what ruling class split on Israel?

Amir Oren reports:

According to Ross, for all the impor­tance of the recent increase in American military aid, Israel’s long-term security depends on real peace with its neighbors — and therefore, on the victory of the region’s moderates over its extrem­ists. In the Pales­tin­ian context, this means seizing the fleeting oppor­tu­nity provided by the lead­er­ship duo of Pales­tin­ian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad. This, he added, is an American interest, not just an Israeli one. Thus it is not subject to Netanyahu’s sole discretion.

Ross — that is to say, Donilon, which is to say, Obama — outlined the link between peace nego­ti­a­tions and Israel’s nuclear program in delicate but clear diplo­matic language. In September, at the Inter­na­tional Atomic Energy Agency’s General Con­fer­ence, the U.S. managed to foil a con­dem­na­tion of Israel’s nuclear program (which had been pushed by Egypt ). The Obama admin­is­tra­tion will of course “continue to stand up for Israel in these orga­ni­za­tions, but there should be no mistake that our efforts are strength­ened when Israel is actively par­tic­i­pat­ing in peace negotiations.”

Between “Hoss” and Ross, the meaning is clear, and it does not depend on the outcome of today’s elections: You want to keep Dimona? Then you’ll pay the price to keep talking with Abbas — namely, a set­tle­ment freeze. And as for Iran, don’t be an idiot. Leave it to Obama.

Again, this is further evidence that Obama is wavering between maximal support for Likudnik policies of ter­ri­to­r­ial max­i­mal­ism, policies that the Lobby strongly supports, and a Fayyad-Abbas-brokered apartheid-lite arrange­ment, policies that J Street strongly supports. There is no sig­nif­i­cant element in the policy-making apparatus of the American gov­ern­ment that supports either a one-state “solution” or even Clinton-esque “para­me­ters,” (Fayyad-esque apartheid lite won’t even go so far as the American gov­ern­ment was prepared to go in 2000) because no one has made the case to corporate America how their interests will be served by a peaceful set­tle­ment of the Israel-Palestine conflict. Freeman, Walt, and Mearsheimer can keep clacking those fingers on their keyboards, insis­tently making the case, but very few are listening. If they do listen, it will require an out-and-out rupture in the ruling class, between what Michael Klare used to call the Prussians, profiting off war and energy conflicts, and Traders, profiting off “glob­al­iza­tion” and breadth regimes of capital accu­mu­la­tion. The problem is that American accu­mu­la­tion is con­cen­trated in the finance, insurance, and real estate sectors, and for them, it doesn’t matter too much what the hell America does vis-a-vis Israel. They barely care. Fur­ther­more, one way to keep the elec­torate dis­tracted while capital movements transfer the surplus from the middle-class to the upper-class is wars. Another source of capital accu­mu­la­tion is the increased presence of finan­cial­iza­tion even within tra­di­tional physical indus­tries, including both man­u­fac­tur­ing and oil firms, too. Finance is king, and finance, except for George Soros, does not seem to care about solving the Israel-Palestine conflict on any terms that even allude to the word “justice.”

While finance doesn’t care and oil and the military-industrial sectors, want war, something simple follows. There is no struc­tural rupture in the ruling class large enough that it can be exploited to serve justice for Pales­tini­ans. It follows that it is our job to make that rupture, and the only way to do so is by raising the costs of pursuing the current policies beyond what the ruling-class will bear. The only way to do that is in concert with people who find other policies intol­er­a­ble, linking the demands, and raising the stakes. There is a reason that the leftist solution remains relevant. Here’s why. It’s the only solution.

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IJAN Statement: No Loyalty to Apartheid

This is the question to be put, not to the lead­er­ship of the organized Jewish community, because they will never make decisions ahead of their mem­ber­ship, but to their mem­ber­ships, who can make decisions. Why apartheid? Why ethnic cleansing? To maintain Israel as the biggest Jewish ghetto in the history of the world? Crappy idea. I’m with IJAN. You should be, too.

Sunday, October 31, 2010

On October 10, 2010, the Israeli gov­ern­ment proposed a bill oblig­at­ing non-Jewish nat­u­ral­ized citizens to swear loyalty to a “Jewish and demo­c­ra­tic state.” The Inter­na­tional Jewish Anti-Zionist Network (IJAN) deplores this attempt to demand recog­ni­tion of Israel as a Jewish state — a state whose existence is premised on the removal of the indige­nous people of Palestine.

In response to this bill, members of the Zionist “Left” in Israel issued a “dec­la­ra­tion of inde­pen­dence from fascism.” Announced at a rally in Tel Aviv, the Middle East’s most eth­ni­cally cleansed city (indige­nous pop­u­la­tion: four percent), the dec­la­ra­tion asserts that the proposed law “violates [Israel’s] basic com­mit­ment to the prin­ci­ples of equality, civil liberty and sincere aspi­ra­tion for peace — prin­ci­ples upon which the State of Israel was founded.”

The Zionist “Left” is dis­tanc­ing itself from this policy, but the proposed oath is entirely con­sis­tent with Israel’s racist foun­da­tions and continued ethnic cleansing — all of which the Zionist “Left” has played a central role in per­pe­trat­ing and whitewashing.

In the 1930s, as the Zionist state was forming, the Histadrut and other Labor Zionist insti­tu­tions cam­paigned to dis­pos­sess Arab peasants and workers, while helping crush the resulting 1936 Arab rebellion.

In 1947–1948, under the lead­er­ship of David Ben Gurion, Labor Zionism — the dominant force in the Zionist “Left” — also directed the Nakba (cat­a­stro­phe), which estab­lished the “Jewish state” by ter­ror­iz­ing and expelling at least eighty percent of the indige­nous Pales­tin­ian population.

In the following decades, “Left” Zionism imposed domestic apartheid, made apartheid South Africa Israel’s closest ally, and led or supported every Israeli war of dom­i­na­tion — most recently in Lebanon and Gaza. Under Labor gov­ern­ments, Israeli set­tle­ments in Jerusalem and the West Bank exploded in number.*

Today, “Left” Zionists, no less than their right-wing coun­ter­parts, view Pales­tini­ans as a “demo­graphic threat” to Jewish supremacy. Like the “Right,” they insist that Pales­tini­ans ratify their own unequal status by rec­og­niz­ing 1948 Palestine (“Israel”) as a “Jewish state.” Iron­i­cally, this Zionist racism, violence and apartheid serve to deliver a seg­re­ga­tion of Jews that parallels tra­di­tional European anti-Semitism.

The problem, then, is not alleged betrayal of Israeli “prin­ci­ples” at the hands of right-wing “extrem­ists,” but Zionism itself — both “Left” and “Right.” For Israeli Jews who reject Israel’s racist foun­da­tions, we stand with you.

We ask others not only to join us in opposing the loyalty oath, but to reject the Zionist prin­ci­ples upon which it rests. Con­cretely, that means sup­port­ing Pales­tin­ian demands for an end to military occu­pa­tion, imple­men­ta­tion of the right of Pales­tin­ian refugees to return to their land, and equal rights for all through­out Palestine.

*Further analysis of “Left” or Labor Zionism is posted at: http://www.laborforpalestine.net/wp/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/Histadrut-Briefing.pdf

*Also see: http://jewssansfrontieres.blogspot.com/2010/11/on-loyalty-oath-and-wretched-zionist.html

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the Lobby debate is a joke

So in a break from reading the delight­ful ethno­gra­phies of the players in the Israel Lobby littering the comment section in Mon­doweiss, I started reading Grant Smith’s homework assign­ment book, Spy Trade, which asserts that the Israel Lobby and American slavish adherence to Israeli policies is under­min­ing American rule of law and our Proud Tra­di­tions. Enough of this. The Lobby pursues Likudnik policies, but the policies that are carried out are in the main imperial policies. They are class war, best captured by a Gini coef­fi­cient rising to third-world levels during the time of strongest support for Israel, from 1967–2001. Keep on trying to convince imperial managers that support for Israel is against their interests. They don’t seem to agree. Zionism shouldn’t be opposed because it’s harming the empire. It should be opposed because it harms Pales­tini­ans, while the Lobby gives good cover for imperial policies. Greg Palast explained all of this a long time ago.

Two and a half years and $202 billion into the war in Iraq, the United States has at least one sig­nif­i­cant new asset to show for it: effective mem­ber­ship, through our control of Iraq’s energy policy, in the Orga­ni­za­tion of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), the Arab-dominated oil cartel.

Just what to do with this proxy power has been, almost since President Bush’s first inaugural, the cause of a pitched battle between neo­con­ser­v­a­tives at the Pentagon, on the one hand, and the State Depart­ment and the oil industry, on the other. At issue is whether Iraq will remain a member in good standing of OPEC, upholding pro­duc­tion limits and thereby high prices, or a mutinous spoiler that could topple the Arab oligopoly.

According to insiders and to documents obtained from the State Depart­ment, the neocons, once in command, are now in full retreat. Iraq’s system of oil pro­duc­tion, after a year of failed free-market exper­i­men­ta­tion, is being re-created almost entirely on the lines orig­i­nally laid out by Saddam Hussein.
Under the quiet direction of U.S. oil company exec­u­tives working with the State Depart­ment, the Iraqis have discarded the neocon vision of a laissez faire, pri­va­tized oil operation in favor of one shackled to quotas set by OPEC, which have been key to the 148% rise in oil prices since the beginning of 2002. This rise is estimated to have cost the U.S. economy 1.5% of its GDP, or a third of its total growth during the period.

Walla is Palast arguing that analyzing the “U.S. economy” doesn’t help us under­stand the world very much??

In plotting the destruc­tion of OPEC, the neocons failed to predict the virulent resis­tance of insurgent forces: the U.S. oil industry itself. From the outset of the planning for war, U.S. oil exec­u­tives had thrown in their lot with the prag­ma­tists at the State Depart­ment and the National Security Council. Within weeks of the first inaugural, prominent Iraqi expatriates-many with ties to U.S. industry-were invited to secret dis­cus­sions directed by Pamela Quanrud, an NSC economics expert now employed at State. “It quickly became an oil group,” one par­tic­i­pant, Falah Aljibury, told me. Aljibury, an adviser to Amerada Hess’s oil trading arm and to invest­ment banking giant Goldman Sachs, who once served as a back channel between the United States and Iraq during the Reagan and George H. W. Bush admin­is­tra­tions, cut ties to the Hussein regime following the invasion of Kuwait.

And then sug­gest­ing that oil industry exec­u­tives actually know how to run their companies? That’s too com­pli­cated. Let’s just stick to talking about Douglas Feith’s bar mitzvah.

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murder attempt on Haneen Zoabi?

Jonathan Cook reports that at a demon­stra­tion yesterday when right-wing fascists marched through the Galilee town of Umm el-Fahm, Israeli riot police shot rubber bullets at Haneen Zoabi. Calling the bullets “rubber” can be mis­lead­ing. A “rubber” bullet nearly blinded Matan Cohen. “Rubber” bullets regularly kill people when they impact the head, because of their con­cus­sive force. Zoabi reported that police snipers delib­er­ately targeted her, aiming for her neck and back as she sought cover. That is not a joke; it’s the­o­ret­i­cally an assas­si­na­tion attempt against one of the most artic­u­late, composed, and com­pelling Pales­tin­ian leaders in ’48. Nor would it be a novelty: Israeli security forces during the First Intifada regularly sought to decap­i­tate the lead­er­ship, assas­si­nat­ing Khalil Ibrahim al-Wazir in Tunis, repeat­edly arresting the heads of the Unified National Lead­er­ship. Why Zoabi? Because she can’t be jailed arbi­trar­ily, and aware of what happened to Azmi Bishara, she won’t slip up (in a context in which slipping up means exer­cis­ing her rights as an MK in a racist state). It will cause immense uproar to strip her of cit­i­zen­ship, and doing so could probably only occur in the context of a general purge. And why else? She says things like this: “We do not want to throw Jews into the sea. We are not against Jews. We are against Israeli policies and the def­i­n­i­tion of Israel as a Jewish state…I have a vision of our rights as indige­nous people. We didn’t migrate to Israel; it is Israel that migrated to us.” What will they do if this woman’s views get cir­cu­lated in the American press?

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365 AM: the Gaza war, live

365 AM Teaser from Abdallah Omeish on Vimeo.

In the winter of 2008, two days after Christmas, Israel launched one of it’s deadliest and most con­tro­ver­sial wars. Whilst pre­vent­ing the people of Gaza from fleeing the territory it proceeded to rain missiles down on them using some of the most sophis­ti­cated weaponry available. Trapped with them, were the only two foreign reporters inside Gaza at the time. They found them­selves locked inside a war zone as the only voices able to reach the English-speaking world. This is their incred­i­ble, and as yet untold, story.

Ayman Mohyeldin, a 30-year old American citizen and Sherine Tadros, a 29-year old British national lived through the war – for three weeks reporting for Al Jazeera English amidst an inter­na­tional media blackout.

Now, they want to tell others what they witnessed – raw and uncut. 365 AM will stimulate audiences with exclusive footage and images captured in different formats from pro­fes­sional cameras to mobile phones. The film draws on powerful images from over 100 hours of footage, mostly from Al Jazeera English, and never-before-seen personal video of Ayman and Sherine during the war.

You can con­tribute here.

Karma Nabulsi on the Palestinian revolution

Karma Nabulsi is an academic at Oxford, and used to be a rep­re­sen­ta­tive of the Palestine Lib­er­a­tion Orga­ni­za­tion. She is giving the 13th Eqbal Ahmad lecture a week from Thursday at Hampshire with Amira Hass (if you’re in the area, go). She is also the only Pales­tin­ian except for Rashid Khalidi to appear in the London Review since Edward Said died. By turns, I found the essay below intrigu­ing, bewil­der­ing, mes­mer­iz­ing, rending. It is rare to read a writer being so blunt and so beautiful about the reality that faces her people: “The Pales­tini­ans are stuck fast in his­tor­i­cal amber…No one cares any longer for talk of lib­er­a­tion.” The common parlance is talk of managed cap­i­tal­ism and global social democracy. The left speaks too much about with­drawal into the inter­stices of cap­i­tal­ist dom­i­na­tion. Anti-colonial struggles and Bandung and the Idea of the Third World are antiq­ui­ties when every settler-colonial state has been restruc­tured or over­thrown, and the people bizarrely speak of the end of apartheid in South Africa as a model for Palestine. Nabulsi will have none of it: “Pales­tini­ans remain stub­bornly – one could almost say, willfully – in the anti-colonial, rev­o­lu­tion­ary phase of their history.” She also iden­ti­fies the how and why of sol­i­dar­ity efforts very clearly: “Pales­tin­ian civil society orga­ni­za­tions have channeled” the mounting rage at Israeli human rights vio­la­tions “into a vivid and well-organized campaign of sol­i­dar­ity through boycotts, divest­ment and sanctions.” And she iden­ti­fies the process of how rev­o­lu­tions proceed, where they come from, how burning under­brush suddenly becomes con­fla­gra­tion. Read it.

Nowadays, when Pales­tin­ian activists in their twenties and thirties meet up with veterans of the Pales­tin­ian struggle, they show an unex­pected thought­ful­ness towards the older, rev­o­lu­tion­ary gen­er­a­tion, to which I belong. This is nothing like the courtesy extended as a matter of course to older people in our part of the world: it is more intimate and more poignant. What brings us together is always the need to discuss the options before us, and to see if a plan can be made. Everyone argues, laughs, shouts and tells black jokes. But whenever a proper dis­cus­sion begins, the suddenly lowered voices of our frus­trated young people, many of them at the heart of the fierce protests on uni­ver­sity campuses and in rights campaigns elsewhere, have the same tone I used to hear in the voices of our young ambulance workers in Lebanon in the 1970s and 1980s: an elegiac gen­tle­ness towards the hope­lessly wounded, towards those who were already beyond repair.

The way Pales­tini­ans see things, the frag­men­ta­tion of the body politic – exter­nally engi­neered, and increas­ingly inter­nally driven – has now been achieved. This summer, even the liberal Israeli press began to notice that the key people in Ramallah, the Pales­tin­ian Authority’s capital in the West Bank, no longer discuss strate­gies of lib­er­a­tion but rather the huge business deals that prey on the public imag­i­na­tion. Every insti­tu­tion or over­ar­ch­ing structure that once united Pales­tini­ans has now crumbled and been swept away. The gulf between Gaza and the West Bank, between Hamas and Fatah, between Pales­tini­ans inside Palestine and the millions of refugees outside it, between city and village, town and refugee camp, now seems unbridge­able. The elites are tiny and the numbers of the dis­pos­sessed and the dis­en­fran­chised increase every day. There is, at this moment, no single body able to claim legit­i­mately to represent all Pales­tini­ans; no body able to set out a col­lec­tive policy or national programme of lib­er­a­tion. There is no plan.

The feeling of paralysis doesn’t only affect the Pales­tini­ans. It is found too among the hundreds of inter­na­tional insti­tu­tions and less formal groups involved in the thriving carpet-bagging industry of the Middle East Peace Process. The US, the UN, the EU, their special envoys and fact-finding com­mis­sions, their human rights monitors, lawyers and NGOs, the policy think tanks, the growing legion of inter­na­tional human­i­tar­ian agencies, the dialogue groups and peace groups, all came to the same con­clu­sion shortly after the start of the second Intifada in the autumn of 2000. Over the last decade, these bodies have produced thousands of insti­tu­tional memos, gov­ern­men­tal reports, official démarches, human rights briefings, summaries, analyses, legal inquiries into war crimes and human rights abuses, academic books and articles. And they have pretty much nailed it: Pales­tini­ans are enduring the entrenched effects not only of a military occu­pa­tion, but of a colonial regime that practises apartheid.

The predica­ment is under­stood and widely accepted, yet Pales­tini­ans and non-Palestinians appear equally baffled. Protest and denun­ci­a­tion have achieved very little. How are we to respond in a way that will allow us to prevail? The vocab­u­lary required to form a policy is entirely absent both nation­ally and inter­na­tion­ally. Pales­tini­ans are currently trapped in a his­tor­i­cal moment that – as the con­tem­po­rary world sees it – belongs to the past. The language the situation demands had life only inside an ideology which has now disappeared.

Continue reading Karma Nabulsi on the Pales­tin­ian revolution

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upcoming events: BDS and education on Tuesday

Via Brooklyn for Peace:

Please join us Tuesday from 5:30 to 6:30 p.m. to tell Ricky’s Brooklyn: “No More Ahava Cosmetics!”

Tuesday, October 26, 5:30–6:30

Ricky’s, 107 Montague Street (between Henry and Hicks)

Pink Spa Attire Rec­om­mended but Not Required–bathrobes, towels, etc.

When you buy Ahava products made in a factory in the illegal set­tle­ment of Mitzpe Shalem in the Occupied Pales­tin­ian West Bank, you help finance the destruc­tion of hope for a peaceful and just future for both Israelis and Pales­tini­ans. Ahava products are made from Pales­tin­ian natural resources illegally taken from the Dead Sea.

We are picketing Ricky’s store to bring the message to shoppers: Help us tell Ricky’s not to carry Ahava products.

Sponsored by Brooklyn For Peace, with the coop­er­a­tion of: American Jews for a Just Peace; Adalah-NY: The NY Campaign for the Boycott of Israel; Al-Awda; CODEPINK; Jewish Voice for Peace; Jews Say No!; US Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel; Women of a Certain Age; Women in Black Union Square

#2,3,4,5 trains to Borough Hall

BrooklynPeace.org       718–624-5921

StolenBeauty.org



AND:

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Chas Freeman, II

A couple days ago I pointed out that Chas Freeman’s much-circulated Tufts speech, when parsed carefully, still endorsed an embrace of empire. An embrace of empire when the global North overlaps with “white” people and its victim, the global South, are “brown” people means that the latter group will die and suffer. I concluded perhaps too vehe­mently that a policy that inex­orably leads to the murder of brown people is “racist.” But Gabriel Ash of Jews Sans Fron­tieres very helpfully pointed out that the terms need clar­i­fi­ca­tion. Chas Freeman is not a bigot. He does not run around spitting at Arabs, sup­port­ing anti-miscegenation laws, or garbed in a white-hooded cloak. He is of American Indian ancestry. He probably is very lightly, if at all, prej­u­diced in his personal life. I’m sure he considers African-Americans worthy of full cit­i­zen­ship in America, doesn’t like the Minute Men carrying out vigilante border-keeping on the US-Mexico frontier, and supports affir­ma­tive action. He is not, as Gabriel pointed out, afflicted with “racism, the theory and conscious belief of racial supe­ri­or­ity, exclu­siv­ity and primacy, and the practices that follow inten­tion­ally from applying these beliefs.” Instead, he almost certainly accepts “racism, a system of assump­tions, habits of mind, knowledge, etc., that supports unequal relations of power between racially con­structed groups and that helps to both nat­u­ral­ize and invis­i­bi­lize the dom­i­na­tion of one group over another.”

That emerges quite clearly in his call for a toned-down liberal impe­ri­al­ism, one that should refrain from spec­tac­u­lar violence both on the grounds of the damage that it does to us as well as the damage it does to the victims, occluding a third option: that we have no right to interfere in other people’s societies. When “we” are white and “they” are brown, and “we” white people are sys­tem­at­i­cally reserving for ourselves the right to interfere in and restruc­ture their societies, this is racism, type two–because however the precise ideology plays out, inevitably, someone will assert that they need our “help,” under the rubric of the mision civi­la­trice, the White Man’s Burden, Democracy Promotion, Human­i­tar­ian Inter­ven­tion, or the modal­i­ties of non-military inter­ven­tion: struc­tural adjust­ment policies, dol­lar­iza­tion, the con­struc­tion of plan­ta­tion economies and captive markets and the rest. Clearly, racism type one and racism type two are connected, too: when Freeman uncon­sciously, thought­lessly, auto­mat­i­cally, erases the genocide the American Indians and a myriad of colonial slaugh­ters and replaces them with that sac­cha­rine abstrac­tion, “our American tra­di­tions,” this erasure is somewhere on the spectrum between racism, type one, and racism, type two: to erase colonial massacre is to erase the humanity of the victims. When that occurs over racial lines, that is racist, and it’s not an unmerited attack to point that out. Fur­ther­more, invoking an airy past of “American tra­di­tions” both excep­tion­al­izes our society and nor­mal­izes past versions of empire that went along with those “tra­di­tions.” Again, empire is inevitably a North-South, “white”/“brown” affair, and for this reason, I used the word “racist.” Rightfully.

More generally, a mixing of types can occur within a society rather than an indi­vid­ual. America is saturated in a mix of racism type one and type two: rabid Islam­o­pho­bia and anti-Hispanic sentiment exists in many sectors. In other liberal sectors, we simply retain the right to interfere in their societies, not out of a conscious, artic­u­lated, coherent belief in the justice of racial dom­i­na­tion but through a series of ide­o­log­i­cal maneuvers that work out to the same thing. Israel is past saturated in racism, the overflow running wild. Still, some on the liberal-left may even think Arabs in Israel deserve full civil and political rights and that the occu­pa­tion should end—but they will refuse to acknowl­edge the original sin of 1948, that is, the fun­da­men­tal ille­git­i­macy of a settler-colonial enter­prise (Odd, since almost no one argues that Jews would leave cis-Jordan in a final set­tle­ment). Gabriel added that in societies as sodden with racism as the United States or Israel—settler-colonial states—racism type two (or type one a la Thomas Friedman) will be manifest in nearly anyone with general access to the public sphere, fair enough, although that still rep­re­sents a choice, that of boring away from the interior rather than working from the outside to desta­bi­lize the system.

Freeman’s recog­ni­tion that when we kill Pales­tini­ans, Iraqis, and Afghanis it is wrong because they are human, too, is laudable. But it’s laudable within limits. Those limits are set by him, not us. And he sets them when he (1) asserts the continued right to interfere in the societies of the global South; (2) for the most part, insists that violent inter­ven­tion be restrained on the basis of its potential to blow-back upon us; (3) repeats this bit about “American tra­di­tions” of non-interference and all the rest, and thereby indoc­tri­nates his audience with dangerous, damaging, insulting pro­pa­ganda about the blood-soaked American past. This utterance rep­re­sents a violence to the memory of those who suffered genocides or from the slave trade, and it’s wrong, and that needs to be said, not out of a juvenile, holier-than-thou rad­i­cal­ism but because calling people out on rhetor­i­cally erasing impe­ri­al­ism is always the correct thing to do because it is only by rec­og­niz­ing the imperial enemy that we can ade­quately challenge it. Freeman is absolutely, as Gabriel pointed out, an ally to break the siege of Gaza. He’s an ally too in the fight for justice in Palestine (although if truly violent resis­tance again erupts, perhaps not). That matters. That matters a lot. But there are limits as to how far he will go, and those limits are reflected in a rhetoric that calls for a rede­ploy­ment of a subdued liberal impe­ri­al­ism. It matters to acknowl­edge that his rhetoric is the symptom of a diseased culture, and the only way to heal a sick culture is by being brutally frank about the nature of the illness.

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Gisha reveals documents on Israeli terror against Gazans

Yup we knew it all along. But Gisha dug it out:
Thursday, October 21, 2010: After one and a half years in which Israel at first denied their existence and then claimed that revealing them would harm “state security”, the State of Israel today released three documents that outline its policy for per­mit­ting transfer of goods into the Gaza Strip prior to the May 31 flotilla incident. The documents were released due to a Freedom of Infor­ma­tion Act petition submitted by Gisha in the Tel Aviv District Court, in which Gisha demanded trans­parency regarding the Gaza closure policy.  Israel still refuses to release the current documents governing the closure policy as amended after the flotilla incident.
“Policy of Delib­er­ate Reduction”

The documents reveal that the state approved “a policy of delib­er­ate reduction” for basic goods in the Gaza Strip. Thus, for example, Israel restricted the supply of fuel needed for the power plant, dis­rupt­ing the supply of elec­tric­ity and water. The state set a “lower warning line” to give advance warning of expected shortages in a par­tic­u­lar item, but at the same time approved ignoring that warning, if the good in question was subject to a policy of “delib­er­ate reduction”. Moreover, the state set an “upper red line” above which even basic human­i­tar­ian items could be blocked, even if they were in demand. The state claimed in a cover letter to Gisha that in practice, it had not autho­rized reduction of “basic goods” below the “lower warning line”, but it did not define what these “basic goods” were.
“Luxuries” denied for Gaza Strip residents

In violation of inter­na­tional law, which allows Israel to restrict the passage of goods only for concrete security reasons, the decision whether to permit or prohibit an item was also based on “the good’s public per­cep­tion” and “whether it is viewed as a luxury”. In other words, items char­ac­ter­ized as “luxury” items would be banned – even if they posed no security threat, and even if they were needed. Thus, items such as chocolate and paper were not on the “permitted” list. In addition, officials were to consider “sen­si­tiv­ity to the needs of the inter­na­tional community”.
Ban on Recon­struct­ing Gaza

Although gov­ern­ment officials have claimed that they will permit the reha­bil­i­ta­tion of Gaza, the documents reveal that Israel treated reha­bil­i­ta­tion and devel­op­ment of the Gaza Strip as a negative factor in deter­min­ing whether to allow an item to enter; goods “of a reha­bil­i­ta­tive character” required special per­mis­sion. Thus, inter­na­tional orga­ni­za­tions and Western gov­ern­ments did not receive permits to transfer building materials into Gaza for schools and homes.
Secret List of Goods

The pro­ce­dures determine that the list of permitted goods “will not be released to those not specified!” (emphasis in original), ignoring the fact that without trans­parency, merchants in Gaza could not know what they were permitted to purchase. The list itemized permitted goods only. Items not on the list – cumin, for example – would require a special procedure for approval, irre­spec­tive of any security con­sid­er­a­tion, at the end of which it would be decided whether to let it in or not.
According to Gisha Director Sari Bashi: “Instead of con­sid­er­ing security concerns, on the one hand, and the rights and needs of civilians living in Gaza, on the other, Israel banned glucose for biscuits and the fuel needed for regular supply of elec­tric­ity – par­a­lyz­ing normal life in Gaza and impairing the moral character of the State of Israel. I am sorry to say that major elements of this policy are still in place”.
To view the documents revealed today by the state (in Hebrew), click here (excerpted English trans­la­tions will be available tonight).
To view the FOIA petition submitted by Gisha (in Hebrew), click here.
For trans­lated excerpts of the state’s response initially refusing to reveal the documents, click here.
For an infor­ma­tion sheet on the changes in the closure policy since the June 2010 cabinet decision, see: Unrav­el­ing the Closure of Gaza.

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Joint Statement from SJPs on Anti-Defamation Leagues “Top 10” List

This is the future. Yalla byebye Zionism, marhab justice. The students who drafted this letter did so with dizzying speed and scary effi­ciency and pro­fes­sion­al­ism. They did so demo­c­ra­t­i­cally, comradely, calmly, coolly, con­struc­tively, and for free–no AIPAC student ambassador-or-whatever intern­ships for these guys. When young people are willing to work so hard, quickly, smartly, and freely for justice, you know we are going to defuse Zionism before it sets off con­fla­gra­tion or genocide. You may not know what side you’re on. It is never too late to choose the right one.

On October 14th, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) named Students for Justice in Palestine on its list of the “Top 10 Anti-Israel Groups in America,” claiming that “SJP chapters regularly organize activ­i­ties pre­sent­ing a biased view of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, including mock ‘apartheid walls’ and ‘check­point’ displays.” As members of several student groups working for justice in Palestine, we affir­ma­tively state that the ADL’s char­ac­ter­i­za­tion of our campus edu­ca­tional efforts and activism about Israeli injus­tices against Pales­tini­ans as “biased” is a disin­gen­u­ous and misguided attempt to vilify students that criticize Israel’s occu­pa­tion, which denies Pales­tin­ian human rights and self-determination. In this statement, we clarify our prin­ci­ples and invite the ADL to recon­sider its cat­e­gor­i­cal silence on egregious Israeli human rights vio­la­tions by joining the movement for freedom, equality, and justice in Palestine.

Students for Justice in Palestine groups have developed inde­pen­dently as students across the country seek to raise awareness about the Israeli government’s vio­la­tions of human rights. Our groups represent con­stituen­cies of students, faculty, staff and community members from diverse ethnic, religious, national, and political back­grounds including many Jewish and Israeli members who have been con­tin­u­ally ostra­cized by orga­ni­za­tions like the ADL. Our orga­ni­za­tions work inde­pen­dently of one another, but col­lec­tively, we are united in our belief in justice, freedom and human rights for the Pales­tin­ian people. We are unified by our purpose of con­fronting these wrongs that cause so much death and suffering.

The ADL shields Israeli policy by invoking the “com­plex­ity of the conflict” without ever illu­mi­nat­ing it. As students we have a definite respon­si­bil­ity to use the tools of knowledge at our disposal to penetrate that com­plex­ity; “to speak truth and to expose lies” and “to analyze actions according to their causes and motives and often hidden inten­tions,” to quote social critic Noam Chomsky. Com­plex­ity can never be an excuse for com­pla­cency. In that vein, groups like the United Nations Human Rights Council, Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty Inter­na­tional have affirmed in painstak­ing detail Israel’s deplorable human rights record and sys­tem­atic intran­si­gency. By educating ourselves, our campuses and our com­mu­ni­ties about what the Israeli gov­ern­ment inflicts upon the Pales­tin­ian people within the occupied ter­ri­to­ries, inside Israel, and beyond, we can begin to identify the problems that cause this injustice. United States foreign aid to Israel – which numbers in the billions every year – is chief amongst the issues enabling Israel’s continued occu­pa­tion and racism. As students in America, therefore, our duty is three-fold: to apply our academic rigor to learn the truth, to educate and hold our com­mu­ni­ties account­able for support given in our name, and to lobby our gov­ern­ment to end its diplo­matic cover for Israeli injustice.

Continue reading Joint Statement from SJPs on Anti-Defamation Leagues “Top 10” List

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