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Amir Oren reports:
According to Ross, for all the importance of the recent increase in American military aid, Israel’s long-term security depends on real peace with its neighbors — and therefore, on the victory of the region’s moderates over its extremists. In the Palestinian context, this means seizing the fleeting opportunity provided by the leadership duo of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad. This, he added, is an American interest, not just an Israeli one. Thus it is not subject to Netanyahu’s sole discretion.
Ross — that is to say, Donilon, which is to say, Obama — outlined the link between peace negotiations and Israel’s nuclear program in delicate but clear diplomatic language. In September, at the International Atomic Energy Agency’s General Conference, the U.S. managed to foil a condemnation of Israel’s nuclear program (which had been pushed by Egypt ). The Obama administration will of course “continue to stand up for Israel in these organizations, but there should be no mistake that our efforts are strengthened when Israel is actively participating in peace negotiations.”
Between “Hoss” and Ross, the meaning is clear, and it does not depend on the outcome of today’s elections: You want to keep Dimona? Then you’ll pay the price to keep talking with Abbas — namely, a settlement freeze. And as for Iran, don’t be an idiot. Leave it to Obama.
Again, this is further evidence that Obama is wavering between maximal support for Likudnik policies of territorial maximalism, policies that the Lobby strongly supports, and a Fayyad-Abbas-brokered apartheid-lite arrangement, policies that J Street strongly supports. There is no significant element in the policy-making apparatus of the American government that supports either a one-state “solution” or even Clinton-esque “parameters,” (Fayyad-esque apartheid lite won’t even go so far as the American government was prepared to go in 2000) because no one has made the case to corporate America how their interests will be served by a peaceful settlement of the Israel-Palestine conflict. Freeman, Walt, and Mearsheimer can keep clacking those fingers on their keyboards, insistently making the case, but very few are listening. If they do listen, it will require an out-and-out rupture in the ruling class, between what Michael Klare used to call the Prussians, profiting off war and energy conflicts, and Traders, profiting off “globalization” and breadth regimes of capital accumulation. The problem is that American accumulation is concentrated in the finance, insurance, and real estate sectors, and for them, it doesn’t matter too much what the hell America does vis-a-vis Israel. They barely care. Furthermore, one way to keep the electorate distracted while capital movements transfer the surplus from the middle-class to the upper-class is wars. Another source of capital accumulation is the increased presence of financialization even within traditional physical industries, including both manufacturing and oil firms, too. Finance is king, and finance, except for George Soros, does not seem to care about solving the Israel-Palestine conflict on any terms that even allude to the word “justice.”
While finance doesn’t care and oil and the military-industrial sectors, want war, something simple follows. There is no structural rupture in the ruling class large enough that it can be exploited to serve justice for Palestinians. It follows that it is our job to make that rupture, and the only way to do so is by raising the costs of pursuing the current policies beyond what the ruling-class will bear. The only way to do that is in concert with people who find other policies intolerable, linking the demands, and raising the stakes. There is a reason that the leftist solution remains relevant. Here’s why. It’s the only solution.
Technorati Tags: Israel, lobbby debate, lobby, military industrial complex, Nitzan and Bicherl, Palestine, Zionism
This is the question to be put, not to the leadership of the organized Jewish community, because they will never make decisions ahead of their membership, but to their memberships, who can make decisions. Why apartheid? Why ethnic cleansing? To maintain Israel as the biggest Jewish ghetto in the history of the world? Crappy idea. I’m with IJAN. You should be, too.
On October 10, 2010, the Israeli government proposed a bill obligating non-Jewish naturalized citizens to swear loyalty to a “Jewish and democratic state.” The International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network (IJAN) deplores this attempt to demand recognition of Israel as a Jewish state — a state whose existence is premised on the removal of the indigenous people of Palestine.
In response to this bill, members of the Zionist “Left” in Israel issued a “declaration of independence from fascism.” Announced at a rally in Tel Aviv, the Middle East’s most ethnically cleansed city (indigenous population: four percent), the declaration asserts that the proposed law “violates [Israel’s] basic commitment to the principles of equality, civil liberty and sincere aspiration for peace — principles upon which the State of Israel was founded.”
The Zionist “Left” is distancing itself from this policy, but the proposed oath is entirely consistent with Israel’s racist foundations and continued ethnic cleansing — all of which the Zionist “Left” has played a central role in perpetrating and whitewashing.
In the 1930s, as the Zionist state was forming, the Histadrut and other Labor Zionist institutions campaigned to dispossess Arab peasants and workers, while helping crush the resulting 1936 Arab rebellion.
In 1947–1948, under the leadership of David Ben Gurion, Labor Zionism — the dominant force in the Zionist “Left” — also directed the Nakba (catastrophe), which established the “Jewish state” by terrorizing and expelling at least eighty percent of the indigenous Palestinian population.
In the following decades, “Left” Zionism imposed domestic apartheid, made apartheid South Africa Israel’s closest ally, and led or supported every Israeli war of domination — most recently in Lebanon and Gaza. Under Labor governments, Israeli settlements in Jerusalem and the West Bank exploded in number.*
Today, “Left” Zionists, no less than their right-wing counterparts, view Palestinians as a “demographic threat” to Jewish supremacy. Like the “Right,” they insist that Palestinians ratify their own unequal status by recognizing 1948 Palestine (“Israel”) as a “Jewish state.” Ironically, this Zionist racism, violence and apartheid serve to deliver a segregation of Jews that parallels traditional European anti-Semitism.
The problem, then, is not alleged betrayal of Israeli “principles” at the hands of right-wing “extremists,” but Zionism itself — both “Left” and “Right.” For Israeli Jews who reject Israel’s racist foundations, we stand with you.
We ask others not only to join us in opposing the loyalty oath, but to reject the Zionist principles upon which it rests. Concretely, that means supporting Palestinian demands for an end to military occupation, implementation of the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their land, and equal rights for all throughout Palestine.
*Further analysis of “Left” or Labor Zionism is posted at: http://www.laborforpalestine.net/wp/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/Histadrut-Briefing.pdf
*Also see: http://jewssansfrontieres.blogspot.com/2010/11/on-loyalty-oath-and-wretched-zionist.html
Technorati Tags: anti-Zionism, IJAN, International Jewish anti-Zionist Network, Israel, Jewish anti-Zionism, Palestine, Zionism
So in a break from reading the delightful ethnographies of the players in the Israel Lobby littering the comment section in Mondoweiss, I started reading Grant Smith’s homework assignment book, Spy Trade, which asserts that the Israel Lobby and American slavish adherence to Israeli policies is undermining American rule of law and our Proud Traditions. Enough of this. The Lobby pursues Likudnik policies, but the policies that are carried out are in the main imperial policies. They are class war, best captured by a Gini coefficient rising to third-world levels during the time of strongest support for Israel, from 1967–2001. Keep on trying to convince imperial managers that support for Israel is against their interests. They don’t seem to agree. Zionism shouldn’t be opposed because it’s harming the empire. It should be opposed because it harms Palestinians, while the Lobby gives good cover for imperial policies. Greg Palast explained all of this a long time ago.
Two and a half years and $202 billion into the war in Iraq, the United States has at least one significant new asset to show for it: effective membership, through our control of Iraq’s energy policy, in the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), the Arab-dominated oil cartel.
Just what to do with this proxy power has been, almost since President Bush’s first inaugural, the cause of a pitched battle between neoconservatives at the Pentagon, on the one hand, and the State Department and the oil industry, on the other. At issue is whether Iraq will remain a member in good standing of OPEC, upholding production limits and thereby high prices, or a mutinous spoiler that could topple the Arab oligopoly.
According to insiders and to documents obtained from the State Department, the neocons, once in command, are now in full retreat. Iraq’s system of oil production, after a year of failed free-market experimentation, is being re-created almost entirely on the lines originally laid out by Saddam Hussein.
Under the quiet direction of U.S. oil company executives working with the State Department, the Iraqis have discarded the neocon vision of a laissez faire, privatized oil operation in favor of one shackled to quotas set by OPEC, which have been key to the 148% rise in oil prices since the beginning of 2002. This rise is estimated to have cost the U.S. economy 1.5% of its GDP, or a third of its total growth during the period.
Walla is Palast arguing that analyzing the “U.S. economy” doesn’t help us understand the world very much??
In plotting the destruction of OPEC, the neocons failed to predict the virulent resistance of insurgent forces: the U.S. oil industry itself. From the outset of the planning for war, U.S. oil executives had thrown in their lot with the pragmatists at the State Department and the National Security Council. Within weeks of the first inaugural, prominent Iraqi expatriates-many with ties to U.S. industry-were invited to secret discussions directed by Pamela Quanrud, an NSC economics expert now employed at State. “It quickly became an oil group,” one participant, Falah Aljibury, told me. Aljibury, an adviser to Amerada Hess’s oil trading arm and to investment banking giant Goldman Sachs, who once served as a back channel between the United States and Iraq during the Reagan and George H. W. Bush administrations, cut ties to the Hussein regime following the invasion of Kuwait.
And then suggesting that oil industry executives actually know how to run their companies? That’s too complicated. Let’s just stick to talking about Douglas Feith’s bar mitzvah.
Technorati Tags: Grant Smith, Greg Palast, Israel, Israel Lobby, Palestine, Zionism
Jonathan Cook reports that at a demonstration yesterday when right-wing fascists marched through the Galilee town of Umm el-Fahm, Israeli riot police shot rubber bullets at Haneen Zoabi. Calling the bullets “rubber” can be misleading. A “rubber” bullet nearly blinded Matan Cohen. “Rubber” bullets regularly kill people when they impact the head, because of their concussive force. Zoabi reported that police snipers deliberately targeted her, aiming for her neck and back as she sought cover. That is not a joke; it’s theoretically an assassination attempt against one of the most articulate, composed, and compelling Palestinian leaders in ’48. Nor would it be a novelty: Israeli security forces during the First Intifada regularly sought to decapitate the leadership, assassinating Khalil Ibrahim al-Wazir in Tunis, repeatedly arresting the heads of the Unified National Leadership. Why Zoabi? Because she can’t be jailed arbitrarily, and aware of what happened to Azmi Bishara, she won’t slip up (in a context in which slipping up means exercising her rights as an MK in a racist state). It will cause immense uproar to strip her of citizenship, and doing so could probably only occur in the context of a general purge. And why else? She says things like this: “We do not want to throw Jews into the sea. We are not against Jews. We are against Israeli policies and the definition of Israel as a Jewish state…I have a vision of our rights as indigenous people. We didn’t migrate to Israel; it is Israel that migrated to us.” What will they do if this woman’s views get circulated in the American press?
Technorati Tags: Azmi Bishara, First Intifada, Gaza, Haneen Zoabi, Palestine, Zionism
365 AM Teaser from Abdallah Omeish on Vimeo.
In the winter of 2008, two days after Christmas, Israel launched one of it’s deadliest and most controversial wars. Whilst preventing the people of Gaza from fleeing the territory it proceeded to rain missiles down on them using some of the most sophisticated weaponry available. Trapped with them, were the only two foreign reporters inside Gaza at the time. They found themselves locked inside a war zone as the only voices able to reach the English-speaking world. This is their incredible, and as yet untold, story.
Ayman Mohyeldin, a 30-year old American citizen and Sherine Tadros, a 29-year old British national lived through the war – for three weeks reporting for Al Jazeera English amidst an international media blackout.
Now, they want to tell others what they witnessed – raw and uncut. 365 AM will stimulate audiences with exclusive footage and images captured in different formats from professional cameras to mobile phones. The film draws on powerful images from over 100 hours of footage, mostly from Al Jazeera English, and never-before-seen personal video of Ayman and Sherine during the war.
You can contribute here.
Karma Nabulsi is an academic at Oxford, and used to be a representative of the Palestine Liberation Organization. She is giving the 13th Eqbal Ahmad lecture a week from Thursday at Hampshire with Amira Hass (if you’re in the area, go). She is also the only Palestinian except for Rashid Khalidi to appear in the London Review since Edward Said died. By turns, I found the essay below intriguing, bewildering, mesmerizing, rending. It is rare to read a writer being so blunt and so beautiful about the reality that faces her people: “The Palestinians are stuck fast in historical amber…No one cares any longer for talk of liberation.” The common parlance is talk of managed capitalism and global social democracy. The left speaks too much about withdrawal into the interstices of capitalist domination. Anti-colonial struggles and Bandung and the Idea of the Third World are antiquities when every settler-colonial state has been restructured or overthrown, and the people bizarrely speak of the end of apartheid in South Africa as a model for Palestine. Nabulsi will have none of it: “Palestinians remain stubbornly – one could almost say, willfully – in the anti-colonial, revolutionary phase of their history.” She also identifies the how and why of solidarity efforts very clearly: “Palestinian civil society organizations have channeled” the mounting rage at Israeli human rights violations “into a vivid and well-organized campaign of solidarity through boycotts, divestment and sanctions.” And she identifies the process of how revolutions proceed, where they come from, how burning underbrush suddenly becomes conflagration. Read it.
Nowadays, when Palestinian activists in their twenties and thirties meet up with veterans of the Palestinian struggle, they show an unexpected thoughtfulness towards the older, revolutionary generation, to which I belong. This is nothing like the courtesy extended as a matter of course to older people in our part of the world: it is more intimate and more poignant. What brings us together is always the need to discuss the options before us, and to see if a plan can be made. Everyone argues, laughs, shouts and tells black jokes. But whenever a proper discussion begins, the suddenly lowered voices of our frustrated young people, many of them at the heart of the fierce protests on university campuses and in rights campaigns elsewhere, have the same tone I used to hear in the voices of our young ambulance workers in Lebanon in the 1970s and 1980s: an elegiac gentleness towards the hopelessly wounded, towards those who were already beyond repair.
The way Palestinians see things, the fragmentation of the body politic – externally engineered, and increasingly internally driven – has now been achieved. This summer, even the liberal Israeli press began to notice that the key people in Ramallah, the Palestinian Authority’s capital in the West Bank, no longer discuss strategies of liberation but rather the huge business deals that prey on the public imagination. Every institution or overarching structure that once united Palestinians has now crumbled and been swept away. The gulf between Gaza and the West Bank, between Hamas and Fatah, between Palestinians inside Palestine and the millions of refugees outside it, between city and village, town and refugee camp, now seems unbridgeable. The elites are tiny and the numbers of the dispossessed and the disenfranchised increase every day. There is, at this moment, no single body able to claim legitimately to represent all Palestinians; no body able to set out a collective policy or national programme of liberation. There is no plan.
The feeling of paralysis doesn’t only affect the Palestinians. It is found too among the hundreds of international institutions and less formal groups involved in the thriving carpet-bagging industry of the Middle East Peace Process. The US, the UN, the EU, their special envoys and fact-finding commissions, their human rights monitors, lawyers and NGOs, the policy think tanks, the growing legion of international humanitarian agencies, the dialogue groups and peace groups, all came to the same conclusion shortly after the start of the second Intifada in the autumn of 2000. Over the last decade, these bodies have produced thousands of institutional memos, governmental reports, official démarches, human rights briefings, summaries, analyses, legal inquiries into war crimes and human rights abuses, academic books and articles. And they have pretty much nailed it: Palestinians are enduring the entrenched effects not only of a military occupation, but of a colonial regime that practises apartheid.
The predicament is understood and widely accepted, yet Palestinians and non-Palestinians appear equally baffled. Protest and denunciation have achieved very little. How are we to respond in a way that will allow us to prevail? The vocabulary required to form a policy is entirely absent both nationally and internationally. Palestinians are currently trapped in a historical moment that – as the contemporary world sees it – belongs to the past. The language the situation demands had life only inside an ideology which has now disappeared.
Continue reading Karma Nabulsi on the Palestinian revolution
Technorati Tags: Fateh, Hamas, Karma Nabulsi, Palestine, PFLP, resistance movements, revolution
Via Brooklyn for Peace:
Please join us Tuesday from 5:30 to 6:30 p.m. to tell Ricky’s Brooklyn: “No More Ahava Cosmetics!”
Tuesday, October 26, 5:30–6:30
Ricky’s, 107 Montague Street (between Henry and Hicks)
Pink Spa Attire Recommended but Not Required–bathrobes, towels, etc.
When you buy Ahava products made in a factory in the illegal settlement of Mitzpe Shalem in the Occupied Palestinian West Bank, you help finance the destruction of hope for a peaceful and just future for both Israelis and Palestinians. Ahava products are made from Palestinian natural resources illegally taken from the Dead Sea.
We are picketing Ricky’s store to bring the message to shoppers: Help us tell Ricky’s not to carry Ahava products.
Sponsored by Brooklyn For Peace, with the cooperation of: American Jews for a Just Peace; Adalah-NY: The NY Campaign for the Boycott of Israel; Al-Awda; CODEPINK; Jewish Voice for Peace; Jews Say No!; US Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel; Women of a Certain Age; Women in Black Union Square
#2,3,4,5 trains to Borough Hall
BrooklynPeace.org 718–624-5921
StolenBeauty.org
AND:
Technorati Tags: Ahava, BDS, Boycott Divestment Sanctions, Brooklyn for Peace, Code Pink, Invincible, Israel, molucular resistance, Palestine, Pamela Olson, Zionism
A couple days ago I pointed out that Chas Freeman’s much-circulated Tufts speech, when parsed carefully, still endorsed an embrace of empire. An embrace of empire when the global North overlaps with “white” people and its victim, the global South, are “brown” people means that the latter group will die and suffer. I concluded perhaps too vehemently that a policy that inexorably leads to the murder of brown people is “racist.” But Gabriel Ash of Jews Sans Frontieres very helpfully pointed out that the terms need clarification. Chas Freeman is not a bigot. He does not run around spitting at Arabs, supporting anti-miscegenation laws, or garbed in a white-hooded cloak. He is of American Indian ancestry. He probably is very lightly, if at all, prejudiced in his personal life. I’m sure he considers African-Americans worthy of full citizenship in America, doesn’t like the Minute Men carrying out vigilante border-keeping on the US-Mexico frontier, and supports affirmative action. He is not, as Gabriel pointed out, afflicted with “racism, the theory and conscious belief of racial superiority, exclusivity and primacy, and the practices that follow intentionally from applying these beliefs.” Instead, he almost certainly accepts “racism, a system of assumptions, habits of mind, knowledge, etc., that supports unequal relations of power between racially constructed groups and that helps to both naturalize and invisibilize the domination of one group over another.”
That emerges quite clearly in his call for a toned-down liberal imperialism, one that should refrain from spectacular violence both on the grounds of the damage that it does to us as well as the damage it does to the victims, occluding a third option: that we have no right to interfere in other people’s societies. When “we” are white and “they” are brown, and “we” white people are systematically reserving for ourselves the right to interfere in and restructure their societies, this is racism, type two–because however the precise ideology plays out, inevitably, someone will assert that they need our “help,” under the rubric of the mision civilatrice, the White Man’s Burden, Democracy Promotion, Humanitarian Intervention, or the modalities of non-military intervention: structural adjustment policies, dollarization, the construction of plantation economies and captive markets and the rest. Clearly, racism type one and racism type two are connected, too: when Freeman unconsciously, thoughtlessly, automatically, erases the genocide the American Indians and a myriad of colonial slaughters and replaces them with that saccharine abstraction, “our American traditions,” this erasure is somewhere on the spectrum between racism, type one, and racism, type two: to erase colonial massacre is to erase the humanity of the victims. When that occurs over racial lines, that is racist, and it’s not an unmerited attack to point that out. Furthermore, invoking an airy past of “American traditions” both exceptionalizes our society and normalizes past versions of empire that went along with those “traditions.” Again, empire is inevitably a North-South, “white”/“brown” affair, and for this reason, I used the word “racist.” Rightfully.
More generally, a mixing of types can occur within a society rather than an individual. America is saturated in a mix of racism type one and type two: rabid Islamophobia and anti-Hispanic sentiment exists in many sectors. In other liberal sectors, we simply retain the right to interfere in their societies, not out of a conscious, articulated, coherent belief in the justice of racial domination but through a series of ideological maneuvers that work out to the same thing. Israel is past saturated in racism, the overflow running wild. Still, some on the liberal-left may even think Arabs in Israel deserve full civil and political rights and that the occupation should end—but they will refuse to acknowledge the original sin of 1948, that is, the fundamental illegitimacy of a settler-colonial enterprise (Odd, since almost no one argues that Jews would leave cis-Jordan in a final settlement). Gabriel added that in societies as sodden with racism as the United States or Israel—settler-colonial states—racism type two (or type one a la Thomas Friedman) will be manifest in nearly anyone with general access to the public sphere, fair enough, although that still represents a choice, that of boring away from the interior rather than working from the outside to destabilize the system.
Freeman’s recognition that when we kill Palestinians, Iraqis, and Afghanis it is wrong because they are human, too, is laudable. But it’s laudable within limits. Those limits are set by him, not us. And he sets them when he (1) asserts the continued right to interfere in the societies of the global South; (2) for the most part, insists that violent intervention be restrained on the basis of its potential to blow-back upon us; (3) repeats this bit about “American traditions” of non-interference and all the rest, and thereby indoctrinates his audience with dangerous, damaging, insulting propaganda about the blood-soaked American past. This utterance represents a violence to the memory of those who suffered genocides or from the slave trade, and it’s wrong, and that needs to be said, not out of a juvenile, holier-than-thou radicalism but because calling people out on rhetorically erasing imperialism is always the correct thing to do because it is only by recognizing the imperial enemy that we can adequately challenge it. Freeman is absolutely, as Gabriel pointed out, an ally to break the siege of Gaza. He’s an ally too in the fight for justice in Palestine (although if truly violent resistance again erupts, perhaps not). That matters. That matters a lot. But there are limits as to how far he will go, and those limits are reflected in a rhetoric that calls for a redeployment of a subdued liberal imperialism. It matters to acknowledge that his rhetoric is the symptom of a diseased culture, and the only way to heal a sick culture is by being brutally frank about the nature of the illness.
Technorati Tags: Chas Freeman, Israel, Palestine, racism, Zionism
Yup we knew it all along. But Gisha dug it out:
Thursday, October 21, 2010: After one and a half years in which Israel at first denied their existence and then claimed that revealing them would harm “state security”, the State of Israel today released three documents that outline its policy for permitting transfer of goods into the Gaza Strip prior to the May 31 flotilla incident. The documents were released due to a Freedom of Information Act petition submitted by Gisha in the Tel Aviv District Court, in which Gisha demanded transparency regarding the Gaza closure policy. Israel still refuses to release the current documents governing the closure policy as amended after the flotilla incident.
“Policy of Deliberate Reduction”
The documents reveal that the state approved “a policy of deliberate reduction” for basic goods in the Gaza Strip. Thus, for example, Israel restricted the supply of fuel needed for the power plant, disrupting the supply of electricity and water. The state set a “lower warning line” to give advance warning of expected shortages in a particular item, but at the same time approved ignoring that warning, if the good in question was subject to a policy of “deliberate reduction”. Moreover, the state set an “upper red line” above which even basic humanitarian items could be blocked, even if they were in demand. The state claimed in a cover letter to Gisha that in practice, it had not authorized reduction of “basic goods” below the “lower warning line”, but it did not define what these “basic goods” were.
“Luxuries” denied for Gaza Strip residents
In violation of international law, which allows Israel to restrict the passage of goods only for concrete security reasons, the decision whether to permit or prohibit an item was also based on “the good’s public perception” and “whether it is viewed as a luxury”. In other words, items characterized as “luxury” items would be banned – even if they posed no security threat, and even if they were needed. Thus, items such as chocolate and paper were not on the “permitted” list. In addition, officials were to consider “sensitivity to the needs of the international community”.
Ban on Reconstructing Gaza
Although government officials have claimed that they will permit the rehabilitation of Gaza, the documents reveal that Israel treated rehabilitation and development of the Gaza Strip as a negative factor in determining whether to allow an item to enter; goods “of a rehabilitative character” required special permission. Thus, international organizations and Western governments did not receive permits to transfer building materials into Gaza for schools and homes.
Secret List of Goods
The procedures determine that the list of permitted goods “will not be released to those not specified!” (emphasis in original), ignoring the fact that without transparency, merchants in Gaza could not know what they were permitted to purchase. The list itemized permitted goods only. Items not on the list – cumin, for example – would require a special procedure for approval, irrespective of any security consideration, at the end of which it would be decided whether to let it in or not.
According to Gisha Director Sari Bashi: “Instead of considering security concerns, on the one hand, and the rights and needs of civilians living in Gaza, on the other, Israel banned glucose for biscuits and the fuel needed for regular supply of electricity – paralyzing normal life in Gaza and impairing the moral character of the State of Israel. I am sorry to say that major elements of this policy are still in place”.
To view the documents revealed today by the state (in Hebrew), click here (excerpted English translations will be available tonight).
To view the FOIA petition submitted by Gisha (in Hebrew), click here.
For translated excerpts of the state’s response initially refusing to reveal the documents, click here.
Technorati Tags: blockade, collective punishment, Gaza, Gisha, Israel, Palestine, resistance movements, siege, terror, Zionism
This is the future. Yalla byebye Zionism, marhab justice. The students who drafted this letter did so with dizzying speed and scary efficiency and professionalism. They did so democratically, comradely, calmly, coolly, constructively, and for free–no AIPAC student ambassador-or-whatever internships for these guys. When young people are willing to work so hard, quickly, smartly, and freely for justice, you know we are going to defuse Zionism before it sets off conflagration or genocide. You may not know what side you’re on. It is never too late to choose the right one.
On October 14th, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) named Students for Justice in Palestine on its list of the “Top 10 Anti-Israel Groups in America,” claiming that “SJP chapters regularly organize activities presenting a biased view of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, including mock ‘apartheid walls’ and ‘checkpoint’ displays.” As members of several student groups working for justice in Palestine, we affirmatively state that the ADL’s characterization of our campus educational efforts and activism about Israeli injustices against Palestinians as “biased” is a disingenuous and misguided attempt to vilify students that criticize Israel’s occupation, which denies Palestinian human rights and self-determination. In this statement, we clarify our principles and invite the ADL to reconsider its categorical silence on egregious Israeli human rights violations by joining the movement for freedom, equality, and justice in Palestine.
Students for Justice in Palestine groups have developed independently as students across the country seek to raise awareness about the Israeli government’s violations of human rights. Our groups represent constituencies of students, faculty, staff and community members from diverse ethnic, religious, national, and political backgrounds including many Jewish and Israeli members who have been continually ostracized by organizations like the ADL. Our organizations work independently of one another, but collectively, we are united in our belief in justice, freedom and human rights for the Palestinian people. We are unified by our purpose of confronting these wrongs that cause so much death and suffering.
The ADL shields Israeli policy by invoking the “complexity of the conflict” without ever illuminating it. As students we have a definite responsibility to use the tools of knowledge at our disposal to penetrate that complexity; “to speak truth and to expose lies” and “to analyze actions according to their causes and motives and often hidden intentions,” to quote social critic Noam Chomsky. Complexity can never be an excuse for complacency. In that vein, groups like the United Nations Human Rights Council, Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International have affirmed in painstaking detail Israel’s deplorable human rights record and systematic intransigency. By educating ourselves, our campuses and our communities about what the Israeli government inflicts upon the Palestinian people within the occupied territories, inside Israel, and beyond, we can begin to identify the problems that cause this injustice. United States foreign aid to Israel – which numbers in the billions every year – is chief amongst the issues enabling Israel’s continued occupation and racism. As students in America, therefore, our duty is three-fold: to apply our academic rigor to learn the truth, to educate and hold our communities accountable for support given in our name, and to lobby our government to end its diplomatic cover for Israeli injustice.
Continue reading Joint Statement from SJPs on Anti-Defamation Leagues “Top 10” List
Technorati Tags: ADL, BDS, Israel, Palestine, SJP, Students for Justice in Palestine, Zionism
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