October 2, 2010

“Round this carnage, thoughts flitted and circled like bats in smoke”

“In a world dominated by cheap self-revelation and quack self-help, I suspect that Teach Us To Sit Still may be the real thing: a work of genuine consolation that shows the way out of the dark wood in which everyone, at some time or another, will inevitably find themselves lost.” Will Self

“For the first three and a half days, you are instructed to do nothing but sit cross-legged and focus on the breath as it crosses the upper lip entering and leaving the nose. When the sitting position is painful, you are to observe it without thinking of it as your pain; when wayward thoughts disturb your concentration, you are to take note but not attribute them to yourself. By the evening of day two, I had had enough. Feet, ankles, knees, thighs and hips were weld­ed together in a scorching pyre from which my curved trunk rose like the torso of some broken martyr. Round this carnage, thoughts flitted and circled like bats in smoke. It would be impossible to convey how many thoughts arose, or how systematically they blocked all my attempts to focus on my breathing. Yet I didn’t leave. I was as much enthralled as appalled. Sitting still, in silence, I found that an astonishing exposure to my thought pro­cesses was going on…” Tim Parks,  in this excellent summary of his excellent, hilarious, and unputdownable book.

October 1, 2010

Crack capitalism

Crack Capitalism by John Holloway, London: Pluto Press 2010, £17.99.

John Holloway’s previous book, Change The World Without Taking Power, was relatively popular and the focus of much debate and discussion, at least in the relatively small circles where you find anti-capitalist activists. A lot has happened since the book’s publication in 2002, but you wouldn’t know it from reading Holloway’s latest, Crack Capitalism, which makes more or less exactly the same arguments.

Holloway’s main point is basically that of ‘autonomist marxism’ and there is one great island of strength in this, which readers might drag themselves onto if they don’t first drown in a sea of verbiage. It can be summed up in a paragraph. It is that the world’s workers create capitalism by going to work. Capitalism is therefore not a thing that stands outside and over and above us, but a social relationship that we create everyday through our daily activities. If we understand this, we can, if we want to end capitalism, merely stop creating it and do something else instead. In fact, according to autonomists, this is actually happening all the time – every time we refuse work, go on strike, call in sick, or even, if Holloway is to be believed, dig our gardens. The workers of the world are always resisting their exploitation, even if only in their own, small, personal ways, and even if they’re not conscious of exactly what it is they’re doing. The task is merely to extend and expand and ‘circulate’ the struggles. Holloway calls these struggles the ‘cracks’ in capitalism. What we need to do is find the cracks, and work hard to make them bigger. “The opening of cracks is the opening of a world that presents itself as closed,” says Holloway. This is a neat way of summarising a fundamental Marxian proposition about class struggle as the motor that drives change. The strength of the argument is that it puts the power and potential for change back where it belongs and where it in fact really lies: in our own hands. The weakness, however, is a very serious one. It is that it risks evading the real difficulties that remain… [Read the rest here.]

September 14, 2010

Bakunin: authoritarian vanguardist; Marx: libertarian anarchist…

Interesting article. Thanks Darren.

September 7, 2010

Wonderful

September 1, 2010

China’s working class drives capitalist development

“I do the same thing every day,” said one employee at the Foxconn factory in Shenzhen, China, where more than ten workers have committed suicide. “I have no future.” Many, perhaps most, workers will know exactly how he feels. But to the bourgeois mind, it’s all an impenetrable puzzle. There was something criminally stupid and sickeningly idiotic about the reaction to the suicides of Terry Gou, the billionaire founder and chairman of the company, which makes electronic parts for the likes of Apple and Dell. According to a report in Bloomberg Businessweek (7 June), Gou said that he had no idea why the suicides were happening. “From a logical, scientific standpoint, I don’t have a grasp on that,” said Gou. “No matter how you force me, I don’t know.” Another worker interviewed at the factory might have given the hapless Gou a few clues: conversation and human interaction on the production line is forbidden, bathroom breaks are kept to ten minutes every two hours, and workers are yelled at frequently and fined for breaking the rules. According to a report in the Daily Telegraph (27 May), the pace of work in China is so intense that 50,000 workers a month burn out. When the workers go home at night, their hands continue to twitch and mimic the motion of the production line. Overtime last year was an average of 120 hours per month per worker, bringing their weekly hours up to 70. And yet Gou continues to apply his mind in vain to the intricacies of science and logic in search of an answer to the mystery of the suicides. While the search goes on, the company installed netting around outdoor stairwells of dormitory buildings to prevent people from jumping. It’s nice to hear that they care so much. The desperate measures taken by the poor souls at Foxconn have succeeded, however, in making things slightly better for the workers they left behind. Foxconn has since boosted wage levels by 30 percent and promised further 66 percent rises from October – conditional, of course, on worker performance.

A slightly happier story of worker revolt comes from the Denso car parts plant in China’s southern province of Guandong. A 21-year-old worker, who had never been on strike before, told the Observer’s Jonathan Watts (4 July) that she was worried, yet excited and determined when the action began. “We started our shift at the normal time, but instead of working we just walked around and around the workshop for eight hours. The managers asked us to return to our jobs, but nobody did.” The next day this was repeated, the corporate union begging the workers to return to work. Again they refused. There was no chanting, no speeches, no violence. Nervous of a crackdown from the ruling ‘Communist’ Party, the workers have acted very cleverly. Nobody is named as a leader or organiser, leaflets are used to make demands instead of computers or mobile phones, which can be traced to individuals, and, on the day of the strike, the frustrated management had to push for the official union to organise a vote so that there was someone to negotiate with. But a quiet and dignified determination not to work until the demands for improved pay were met won the day.

… Read the rest here.

See also here, from the always-brilliant ‘Dreaming Neon Black’ blog…

August 27, 2010

Desert Island Challenge

Further to Darren’s post, and because I can never resist a list, here are the 24 essential books for a desert island. (I couldn’t be bothered digging the books out and making a photo – lists and books are my passion, not photos!) The  books that made the list are not necessarily favourites or ones that have had the biggest impact, but those that I’ve already read (or have read at least bits of) and that stand up to constant rereading – good company for the long, lonely days…

1. The Lord of the Rings by JRR Tolkien.

2. The Complete Works of William Shakespeare.

3. Bleak House by Charles Dickens.

4. War and Peace by Leo Tolstoy.

5. Anna Karenina by Leo Tolstoy.

6. Tao Te Ching by Lao Tzu.

7. Master and Margarita by Mikhail Bulgakov.

8. Brothers Karamazov by Dostoevsky.

9. Middlemarch by George Eliot.

10. Works by William Morris. House of the Wolfings, perhaps, or The Earthly Paradise.

11. Works by Ursula K Le Guin, perhaps Always Coming Home.

12. A Glastonbury Romance by John Cowper Powys.

13. The Children’s Book or Possession by AS Byatt.

14. Wuthering Heights by Emily Bronte.

15. Sherlock Holmes, the complete short stories, by Arthur Conan Doyle.

16. Works by Enid Blyton, perhaps Five Go Camping, The Magic Faraway Tree, or The Valley of Adventure.

17. The Picture of Dorian Gray by Oscar Wilde.

18. Poems by Thomas Hardy.

19. The Big Sleep by Raymond Chandler.

20. Galapagos by Kurt Vonnegut.

21. Catch 22 by Joseph Heller.

22. Brideshead Revisited by Evelyn Waugh.

23. William Morris: A Life For Our Time by Fiona McCarthy.

24. Gormenghast Trilogy by Mervyn Peake.

But perhaps what would give me more joy than any of these would be a print-out of this list, and a pen. Then I could spend eternity rewriting and reordering the list. What joy…

August 26, 2010

A farewell to kings

When they turn the pages of history
When these days have passed long ago
Will they read of us with sadness
For the seeds that we let grow?
We turned our gaze
From the castles in the distance
Eyes cast down
On the path of least resistance

Cities full of hatred, fear and lies
Withered hearts and cruel, tormented eyes
Scheming demons dressed in kingly guise
Beating down the multitude and
Scoffing at the wise

The hypocrites are slandering
The sacred Halls of Truth
Ancient nobles showering
Their bitterness on youth
Can’t we find the minds that made us strong?
Can’t we learn to feel what’s right
And what’s wrong?
What’s wrong?

Cities full of hatred, fear and lies
Withered hearts and cruel, tormented eyes
Scheming demons dressed in kingly guise
Beating down the multitude and
Scoffing at the wise
Can’t we raise our eyes and make a start?
Can’t we find the minds to lead us
Closer to the heart?

Neil Peart

August 24, 2010

One for the conspiracy theorists

Two.

August 17, 2010

Why I rejoined the Socialist Party

I wrote the following about six months ago, shortly after my application for membership of the Socialist Party of Great Britain was accepted. I wrote it because a friend asked me what on earth I had done, and I stumbled and stuttered through a not-very-convincing answer. This was my more considered response. Until now I had only shared it on Facebook, but, on rereading, I found I was more proud of it than I expected to be.

When I first came across the Socialist Party of Great Britain in 1999, I had a not-unusual experience – not unusual if political memoirs are anything to go by, anyway. The experience was something like a flash of light. Previously insoluble mysteries – why doesn’t improved productivity lead to less work for the workers? Why don’t the political parties fulfil their promises or make any difference in the world? Why was working for an employer so boring and hateful? Why were people starving in a world of plenty? – suddenly made sense. The SPGB provided The Answer to so many of the problems that had tormented my young, adolescent mind. Now, my own frustrations, and social, political and economic questions, were no longer insoluble mysteries or technical problems requiring the help of experts. The problems weren’t puzzling aberrations, they were the logical consequence of social structure. Nor were they eternal aspects of the human condition, but historical novelties, subject to change. Before I found the SPGB, I would dream of utopia and rebellion and yet would feel humiliatingly powerless to answer the objections –that it was all impossible, it had all been tried and failed, that human nature militated against any change to any thing, ever. Now, armed with The Answer, I would still be laughed at and dismissed, but at least now I had logic and facts and history and science on my side. The laughter was no longer humiliating because it was the laughter of fools. I developed the evangelical zeal of the new convert – which nearly lost me many friends. But I almost didn’t care. For a time, the SPGB was my whole life. I dedicated all of my free time, and a fair chunk of my employer’s time too, to the cause. The Party was, without a smidgeon of exaggeration, the most important thing in my life. It was my everything.

But right from the start there was a seed of doubt in my mind. I was fully aware of just how dodgy and religious my conversion would seem to an outsider. Indeed, the caricatured process of ‘conversion’ I have described above is little different from what happens when social misfits are dragged into sinister cults. The presentation of simple answers to complex social and political problems is in fact a defining characteristic of the maddest cults and sects. Had I made a similar mistake? Understood literally, I always knew that this was definitely not so – the SPGB encourages critical and independent thinking, and insists on the importance of organising democratically and without any leaders at all, let alone dodgy charismatic and exploitative ones. But understood loosely and as a metaphor for the whole experience – had I made a similar silly mistake? The SPGB seemed to provide good answers, but were there better ones? Should I really be a Marxian and not a Freudian? An impossibilist and not a Trotskyist? Should I really be on the parliamentary road and not the anarchist one? The seeds of doubt started small, but were watered by my obsessive reading habit, and found fertile soil in my then restless, grasping, ambitious mind.

For a while, I found ways to explain away contradictions in my thinking and remain a member of the SPGB. Inevitably, however, the restless searching in the end led to a quest that took me away from my political home. I got excited by new possibilities and a rival theory, and left the Party under their spell. It hardly matters now which theory because, over the next half decade or so, I would change which one I believed as often as I changed my socks.

So, I was without a political home, adrift on the vast – indeed, infinite – ocean of human knowledge and possibilities. It wasn’t that I had no compass to steer by either; more that I had hundreds of compasses, all pointing in different directions. I would wander down the path prescribed by one, only to cast constant fretful glances at the others. I wandered and wandered but got nowhere. To make a long story short, I’ll cut to the end of this episode. I learnt many things and had many great experiences, but I wearied of wandering and sat down under a Bodhi tree and refused to budge until I had decided once and for all on a future direction. Travelling is OK when you’re young, but eventually you want to settle down. You need a home. And although I know most people live perfectly happily without one, I needed a political home. But where to go? Never mind all the compasses, in which direction did my own internal, moral compass point?

I had come a long way since I first knocked on the door of the Socialist Party. But I had always taken one thing with me, wherever I went, and however often I changed my mind. It was a truth. The truth is that there is a fundamental fact about the society we live, a truth that, once learned, you can never forget. It’s a truth that must be faced, and taught without fear of contradiction or ridicule, without fear of the consequences. That fact is that our society is a slave society. It is based on slave labour. Not the literal slavery of unfortunates in far-flung and god-forsaken parts of the planet – though that’s true enough, too, and quite bad enough to be going on with. But our own slavery – wage-slavery. The term ‘wage-slavery’ has been debased, and in most people’s minds these days means something like ‘badly paid work’. But in its original sense, it expressed the reality of capitalist employment from the point of view of those first exposed to it. We know this from history, but also from contemporary anthropology, when free people are first introduced to paid employment. (It takes a few centuries before a novel historical and social development comes to seem as natural as the weather.) The reality is that ‘free wage labour’ isn’t free, but a version of slavery. After all, the relationship between master and slave isn’t fundamentally altered when the master, instead of buying a worker once and for all, instead hires him by the hour, the day, the week or the month. The difference is an important one of course, for both sides. The master gets a better deal; the slave wins at least a modicum of control over who she sells her labour power to and the right to withdraw it. But still, it’s a far cry from the unachieved goal of liberal capitalist ideology – the free association of individuals.

Once you’ve realised the truth of this – and anyone who has experienced the dreary tyranny of the office and factory can surely not deny it – it’s just not possible to forget it. Like that poor guy in The Matrix film who wishes he’d chosen the blue pill, sometimes I desperately want to forget it. But the reality of the daily grind keeps the facts in view. And with them in view, a morally unavoidable question forces itself upon you. What is to be done?

I have found, through trial and error, that peace of mind is impossible until I have a provisional answer to that question. When I left the SPGB, I hooked up with an anarchist anti-war group. Then a Marxist reading group. And a discussion circle. Then an anthropology study group. Then I considered and attended the meetings of various environmentalist direct-action groups. These were all provisional answers to the question of what was to be done. But in my wanderings, I had learned some important things. My wandering in social theory and science had proved to my mind that what the SPGB has to say on these subjects is reasonable and not in contradiction with the state of knowledge. My wandering in politics had taught me that the SPGB’s teachings on democracy and its warnings about false hopes and reformism are true. My wanderings in the teachings of the world’s religions – what Marx called “the general theory of this world, its encyclopaedic compendium, its logic in popular form, its spiritual point d’honneur, its enthusiasm, its moral sanction, its solemn complement, and its universal basis of consolation and justification” – taught me additionally, and perhaps surprisingly, that the SPGB’s teachings are not without wisdom, and its position on what is to be done the wisest and most ethical of all lefty and anarchist groups, and all political parties.

All of this gradually dawned on me over the course of my years outside the party. But the gradual quantitative accumulation of this knowledge was crystallised into a qualitative leap back into membership when I went back to reread William Morris, and EP Thompson’s biography of the great man. William Morris was a 19th century capitalist, businessman and entrepreneur, and a great poet, writer, artist and craftsman. He was uniquely positioned, as an artist and a business man, to understand the causes of the ugly and depraved times we live in. He therefore threw himself into the first socialist organisations in this country and dedicated his life to the socialist cause. He became to my mind the greatest socialist thinker besides Marx. He was a genius and a hero. A few years after the death of William Morris, a group of 140 men and women got together to form a new socialist organisation. They weren’t capitalists, nor great poets and artists, but ordinary working class people with a determination to end modern slavery. The organisation they formed was the political heir of William Morris. It still exists today, and its future success is as urgent and desirable as ever. Its name is the Socialist Party of Great Britain, and I am very proud to be a member.

What is the SPGB?
Socialism on One Planet: http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/jun04/socplanet.html
Anglo-Marxism: http://bataillesocialiste.wordpress.com/2005-anglo-marxism-the-spgb-buick/

August 5, 2010

Keep plugging away

“It’s rather striking that ’68 around the world is considered a crucially important date – but that was really the end. So the fact that it was dominantly a youth movement in the Sixties had good and bad aspects, and one bad aspect was this sense that if you don’t achieve quickly, you’d might as well quit. But of course, that’s not the way changes come. The struggle against slavery went on forever, the struggle for women’s rights has been going on for centuries, the effort to overcome ‘wage-slavery’ – that’s been going on since the beginnings of the industrial revolution, we haven’t advanced an inch. In fact, we’re worse off than were a hundred years ago in terms of understanding the issues. Well, okay, you just keep struggling.”

Understanding Power, Noam Chomsky