The Philadelphia “Black enough” controversy has continued this week, and opens up interesting conversations worth exploring.

Last week, former Philadelphia Mayor John Street alleged current Mayor Michael Nutter is “not black enough” to serve the city’s large Black community. Typically, pundits and others are condemning Street for saying what he said. Jill Scott sparked a similar scandal earlier this year with remarks on interracial dating in Essence.

These comments highlight a complicated conversation that cannot be so easily dismissed, because communities of color think it, even if those there don’t tell you.

g.g. spirit writes on some of this matter related to No Wedding, No Womb. Her comments highlight what are broader cultural and social questions communities of color have wrangled with for decades.

Beauty standards and skin privilege; assimilation and its implications; whether race alone grants a pass to speak on the problems of a community of the same race; class and agency; motivations, community history and ideology of those stating leadership over an issue in communities of color; and the impact of individual choices on a collective psyche are all related, and have been taken on dozens of times before. Rarely is it brought up so well.

She writes:

…anyone who attempts to tackle this issue should closely examine their own values, from its origins to its intentions, before attempting to impose them on others, especially in such a personal area with far reaching psychological, financial and societal implications. Remember, communication is key and not just semantics.

I don’t have the answers, but I understand the fears, and what these pressures mean for people of color, for whom ideas of freedom are deeply tied to pride in ourselves, independence and autonomy.

To be clear, the question is more involved than simply race, but of agendas and politics. From Huey Newton denouncing Ron Maulana Karenga’s Black cultural work as “pork chop nationalism” (contrasted with the Black Panthers’ revolutionary nationalism) to Ramsey Muniz calling out those he didn’t believe represented the real interests of Latinos, asking for accountability is nothing new. The conversation is no less legitimate than any other being raised. In truth, questions of leadership are important to many communities.

g.g. also raised a taboo subject that I noticed as well — an undercurrent of anti-Black sentiment that divides the virtuous from the unwashed. Such beliefs are common in matters where communities pass judgment in some fashion, such as what behavior continues “good” Black and Brown people. The Irish and Italian communities, historically, did not have the respect to speak for whites until they sought integration into whiteness by shedding characteristics middle classes (whites especially) associated correctly or wrongly with the poor and racial minorities. Books like How the Irish Became White delve into this transformation.

In many respects, the issue of who is of color “enough” to speak as a voice to, for and of a community of color boils down to many as a question of legitimacy. For Black and Brown communities, for whom discrimination has endured, entrance to that space of regard is elusive. For those who have joined the white middle class, connections to the community remain important. I think people who live in the communities of color that get talked about so much tend to believe compassion matters — understanding historically oppressed people as victims of systemic problems we have yet to find solutions for, rather than as people simply out for theirs at any cost — as does proximity to that which one speaks.

This is an ongoing dialog. Some of the arguments are wildly misrepresented, into personal attacks that aren’t. The fact that they endure, in spite of the best efforts of their advocates to delegitimize the arguments, hints these topics are difficult conversations that do not have easy answers.


There will be a lecture today by Eric Ribellarsi of the FIRE Collective on past as well as current events related to the revolution in Nepal. Ribellarsi recently traveled to Nepal to document the political conflict there and where the mass Maoist-led opposition is headed. He will be sharing photos and other items from his travels.

Ribellarsi gave a talk at the Houston Peace Forum earlier this year on Nepal. Video below:

Today’s talk happens at Sedition Books, on Richmond near Montrose, at 7 p.m.


Please join Coffee Party-Houston, Public Citizen and Americans for Campaign Reform at a public forum to learn more about the Fair Elections Now Act and view a preview screening of the upcoming documentary, Priceless.

The moderator will be Dan Weeks, President of Americans for Campaign Reform.

The event happens Thursday, October 7, at 7:30 p.m. at the Havens Center, St. Stephens Episcopal Church
1827 Alabama Street in Houston. Please RSVP to info@youstreet.org.

“Do you want to get the big money out of politics? Public funding of elections will do just that and help make Washington work again,” organizers say.


My last week has been more focused on other things — including the Friday FBI raids on solidarity activists, a few of whom I personally know — and I hadn’t had time or interest to follow all of the latest online conversations. But in the respite from particular talks, I wanted to offer a thought on something unrelated: the idea of movements.

While I understand it’s quite fashionable for everything to claim the term “movement,” I wanted to encourage everyone to keep in mind its broad implications.

Using a word too often cuts into its power. Like “revolutionary,” movement is in constant danger of being stripped of its edge.

We blog, tweet, facebook and such. And though some may call that activism in the most postmodern or broad sense, I always try to bear in mind that social media can’t provide what social change requires: movements historically composed of people in communities actively engaged in grassroots work to create social change. Bringing together bloggers, creating Twitter debates and getting blog comments are really great gestures, but they are only a facet of what movements to create social change can be.

Adbusters penned one of the better dividing-line pieces on this issue earlier in the year, entitled “Rejecting Clicktivism”:

By turning activism over to the technocrats, we’ve done a great disservice to the noble tradition of rabble rousing that has brought humanity every egalitarian development. We’ve exchanged the difficult process of engaging in real world struggles for the ease of sending emails and clicking links. And I say this knowing that digital-activists agree and a new generation are only too eager to offer their services, hawking themselves as the pioneers in the cutting-edge field of turning email addresses into bodies on the street. But we must resist their claims to expertise and their successes defined by quantity. The way forward will not be through the mediation of the screen.

Activism, when properly conceived, aims at revolution by striking at the root. It deploys an essential critique of society that cannot be resolved, or recuperated, without a major cultural shift. Each era must find and hone that critique and with persistence use it to repeatedly attack the prevailing social order. The essential critique of our generation is the mental environmentalist perspective which understands consumerism to be a plague upon the earth supported by pollution of our mental ecology by advertisers.

As I endeavored to comprehend the recent plight of my movement friends trying to pick up the pieces after the FBI kicked in doors last Friday, I was reminded that some of the Internet stuff can be helpful, but at times seems insular. In countries that are not super-repressive and control information access, how can social media in any way spark social justice work? How can online conversations in any real or sustained way be an influencer of poor communities of color, which still struggle with the digital divide as well as class differences between the acculturated blogosphere and the lives the unaffiliated communities live offline?

It is perhaps the anonymous, disconnected nature of the Internet that allows a sometimes sad cynicism about the power of regular people to understand their circumstances and organize.

When we talk about social problems in the abstract as well as the concrete on the Internet, there can be a tendency to blame people as solely the perpetrators of their own dramas. Talk that suggests larger forces at work may be dismissed as, to coin one thing I saw, “‘blame it on the system/structure/institution/man’ excuses.” I get frustrated with community and individual failings as the next person. However, we need to be careful to avoid twisting accountability into an acutely patronizing ideology that, in every historical moment, has proven to be the antithesis of any successful campaign.

Micah White reminds us of the danger of mixing up the educational role of Internet activity with street organizing:

Gone is faith in the power of ideas, or the poetry of deeds, to enact social change… Political engagement becomes a matter of clicking a few links. In promoting the illusion that surfing the web can change the world, clicktivism is to activism as McDonalds is to a slow-cooked meal. It may look like food, but the life-giving nutrients are long gone.

Patrick Ryan’s narrative of organizing bus riders is one of the more affecting pieces for me on this. He reminds us, “we trust that people can change the world and that while our enemies might have a lot of money, lots of technology and weapons, we have people and rely on them.”

The basic character of movements provides the most critical contrast to online drives; movements are not the choir, where we can find plenty of people who agree, but rather are a space where organizers are pressed to balance out all the needs of those involved. Being in someone’s face pushes you to consider language, history and the aforementioned larger forces in a way you can conveniently dodge in Internet forums.

Anson C. Asaka offers a truthful allusion to online realities versus community realities. “Hopefully, instead of simply writing about problems, the black blogosphere will unite again and actually mobilize and organize the community to remedy other challenges such as inner city violence, inferior education, unemployment, war and police brutality,” he writes.

I am far from a super-activist, but count me as one of those people who still believes in the power of movements. They do the necessary block mobilizing, talking to neighbors, protesting and troublemaking that may never get media attention, but inspire hope and teach.


Crunk Feminist Collective offers some solutions that No Wedding, No Womb followers keep complaining critics aren’t providing (as if demanding folks get married is a solution, but still…). Ending with “Perhaps black folks’ ambivalence about marriage signals problems with the institution itself and not with black people,” the collective offers some solid points.

To that list, I would suggest adding the necessity to talk about institutional responsibilities beyond parenting. Criminalization of Black men and women and disproportionate rates of arrest and incarceration, for example, all dovetail into self-sufficiency. In many states, how the Black community is overpoliced relates to arrest and the costs associated with that — from financial costs to the toll it takes on one’s ability to work, be a parent (or have that right taken away) and politically organize without fear for one’s rights and that of a community of color.

Get Free or Die Tryin’ has a good contextual post that reminds me about what stature and class mean. I walked away from it thinking how people tend to forget sometimes that the well-off and web-savvy, who may share a pigment hue with the disenfranchised, aren’t always so clear on what is impacting a (or the rest of, if they still live here)  community of color.


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