Statement

National Central Committee Statement on Recent Happenings in ISO

1.        The National Central Committee of the International Socialist Organisation (Zimbabwe) met in an emergency meeting on Wednesday 13^th January 2009 to look at recent events in the country and organization including the purported expulsion from the organization of the ISO general co-ordinator, Munyaradzi Gwisai, as announced at a press conference on 11^th January, by a section of the ISO national leadership led by the national co-ordinator Ady Mutero and national treasurer, Fortune Tigwe.

2.        The National Central Committee (CC) is the supreme decision-making body of ISO in between its National Members Conferences. The meeting was attended by 18 of the body’s 25 constitutional members, and apologies given by two.[1]

3.        After receiving reports and exhaustive debate the National Central Committee noted that:

a.        The press conference and expulsion were unproceedural and illegal having been done outside the parameters of the organisation’s constitution by a small clique within the recently elected national leadership.  Contrary to press reports that the expulsion had been authorized by a National Members Conference on 9 January 2009, no such meeting had occurred, but what had taken place was a kangaroo factional meeting of the National Co-ordinating Committee, the executive arm of the Central Committee, attended by less than five of its ten members and convened without due notice to the other members, as had similarly been the case with the press conference.

b.        The accusations against Gwisai are incompletely unfounded and without substance: Whilst one of  its longest serving and most  experienced members, Gwisai has never in fact occupied the highest position in ISO of national co-ordinator as alleged, but has been a member of ISO’s collective leadership as its librarian; regular elections have been held with office holders properly elected, with the previously elected national co-ordinators of ISO being: Briggs Zano, Luke Bhukarin, T Sando, Tom Msvhaya, Briggs Bomba and Mike Sambo. At the latest National Members Conference in Novemebr 2008, Gwisai was nominated by virtually all the branches to occupy the newly created position of general co-ordinator of ISO, but due to time constraints the exact terms of the position were deferred to the National Central Committee. Subsequently the full National Co-ordinating Committee, chaired and attended by members of the Mutero-Tigwe clique placed Gwisai in the position of general co-ordinator, pending the National Central Committee. This position was endorsed by all the branches of ISO.  No property of the organisation has been seized by Gwisai, nor was the organisation’s e-mail passwords changed by Gwisai. Problems there are in ISO, like in many other organizations in these trying times in Zimbabwe, but the ISO collective leadership in the National Co-ordinating Committee had agreed to refer all such problems to the higher organ of the National Central Committee in mid January 2009. Yet before such meeting, the Mutero-Tigwe clique calls a public press conference before the bourgeois press to give lies and falsehoods – a practice most inconsistent with revolutionary socialist traditions.

c.        That the real reason behind the little rebellion, shown in the purported expulsion of Gwisai and threatened expulsions of other longstanding members, is the reactionary and counter-revolutionary alliance the Mutero-Tigwe clique has entered into with a cross-section of right-wing and imperialist-funded NGOs. The later along with similar-minded elements in the opposition  MDC leadership, have historically opposed the ISO for its resolute and consistent position that the struggles against the Zanu PF dictatorship must be fought from an anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist and anti-neoliberal basis that prioritises both the political demands and the bread and butter demands of the poor. And that the way forward is direct mass action from below and not talks or sanctions or fake elections before a new people driven constitution. These forces insist that the struggle must be solely restricted to the regime-change - “Mugabe must go” agenda of their paymasters and not raise the anti-neoliberal demands of the poor, and they oppose the militant route of peoples power or jambanja.  They hate us for insisting that the western imperialists and capitalists who fund and control these NGOs in civic society and the political opposition are not genuine allies of the democratic movement. This is why there were sharp differences between them and us at the Peoples Convention in February 2008 and ongoing in the social forum processes, and before that in the MDC, when we expelled in 2003.  In its political perspectives the Mutero-Tigwe clique now argues the same class nonsense and clap-trap as these right-wing forces, arguing that the  ISO must re-orientate to “these comprador bourgeoisie organizations” and abandon all ideological fights with them “for the sole objective of removing Mugabe, thereafter we renew our different fight(s), ideological fights.”  In other words they seek to liquidate the ISO as a revolutionary socialist organization and abandon its principled united front approach whereby it can work in alliance with other groups around agreed minimum demands but never renouncing its right to articulate its ideological positions for socialism and criticisms of capitalism and reformist - reactionary leaders. Instead they want to turn ISO into a compliant nominally left but well paid lackey in a popular front run by the right-wing NGOs and right wing opposition leaders in MDC,  where we hide our politics, ideology and criticism of capitalism and the reactionary reformist leaders. In other words they want to follow the old Left Wing position of returning the ISO to MDC hegemony, even when the role and space of working people and militants has become even much less now than when it was in 2003 with the capitalists and imperialists in much greater influence. We rejected this in the MDC in 2002 -3 when it was being pushed by the now defunct Left Wing splinter group, and reject it now, especially when the MDC leadership has shown such contempt for its ordinary membership and civic society partners by going into an elitist deal with the Zanu PF dictatorship without consulting them. We acknowledge the very significant contributions Mutero and Tigwe have made to ISO and the revolutionary struggle over time, but it is clear that now they have succumbed to the temptations of opportunism, whether because of the dollars being flushed in their faces by the right-wingers or because of mere exhaustion, or both, we do not know. Either way they have today become renegades in the struggle, working with and under the control of the class enemies of the working classes and the poor in general.

d.        This is why it has become necessary to expel Gwisai and other longstanding leaders of ISO as has been threatened, for without that this the renegades cannot succeed in their designs to liquidate the ISO into popular front politics and opportunism.  Indeed so crass has been their betrayal that the press conference was facilitated and mobilized by the imperialist-funded Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA-Zimbabwe) through Thabani Moyo, formerly of the Crisis Coalition. The very same MISA whose executive director Takura Zhangazha vigorously led the opposition of the  inclusion of anti-neoliberal and anti-capitalist demands in the Peoples Charter and who despite being a leading figure in the Peoples Convention still went behind everyone’s back to join the MDC-T technical team in the MDC-Zanu PF talks in South Africa despite that such talks had been roundly rejected by the Peoples Convention as a useless elitist platform. Today it is a network of such forces that have become the closest friends of the Mutero-Tigwe clique, funding them and pushing their propaganda. We ask whether it is a mere coincidence that the Mutero-Tigwe clique seeks to destabilize ISO, so conveniently near the elective Zimbabwe Social Forum annual strategic meeting where Gwisai is being supported by ISO and many progressive movements to stand as chairperson, but being massively opposed by the very same right-wing NGOs?

e.        These renegades had assumed that in the context of escalating massive poverty of ordinary people, including our membership and a relatively largely new membership recruited in the last three years and not yet fully familiar with socialist politics and traditions, the few crumbs of bread they were offering from their paymasters, would turn the membership against its principles, values and politics and sell out its soul to the capitalist enemies, but they have received a rude shock by the   resoluteness and class solidarity the overwhelming membership of the ISO has shown in rejecting them and their naked attempts to destroy the only functional revolutionary socialist organization in Zimbabwe. It is not for nothing that the slogan of ISO is “Shinga Mushandi!”; “Qina Msebenzi”! Even in the most difficulty and adverse of positions, including such crass betrayals, we will preserve in the struggle against dictatorship, capitalism and for socialism.

 

RESOLUTIONS

4.        Taking the above into account the National Central Committee resolved by an overwhelming majority of EIGHTEEN votes in favour of and ZERO against that:

a.        The five under-mentioned persons who convened the unconstitutional press conference and responsible for various counter-revolutionary activities are hereby and immediately expelled from the International Socialist Organisation, and that the ISO shall  henceforth not be responsible or liable for any actions, statements or activities arising from them – :

                                                               i.      Ady Mutero, formerly the national co-ordinator;

                                                              ii.      Fortune Tigwe, formerly the national treasurer;

                                                            iii.      L. Manjo, formerly the national youth co-ordinator;

                                                            iv.      E. Chida, formely the national gender co-ordinator;

                                                              v.      S. Shere, formerly, the Harare Province gender co-ordinator.

 

b.        The meeting affirms that Munyaradzi Gwisai is and remains the General Co-ordinator of ISO and that Mike Sambo and Sando shall act in the capacities of National Co-ordinator and National Treasurer, respectively, pending the next National Members Conference.

c.        That the ISO reaffirms its support for the candidature of Munyaradzi Gwisai as chairperson of the Zimbabwe Social Forum at its coming January 2009 elective Annual Strategic Meeting and calls upon all progressive movements and organizations to continue their support of the same despite the falsehoods and insinuations made by the expelled clique and their allies.

 

Smash the dictatorship! Smash capitalism! Viva Socialism!

 

ISO National Central Committee[2]

15^th January 2009, Harare

 

 

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[1] The meeting was held at the ISO National Offices and was attended by: of the ten national heads of departments in the National Co-ordinating Committee – NCC, six attended; of the eight members of the Harare Provincial Executive Committee  five attended and two gave apologies;  of  the seven branches of the ISO of Mbare; Highfields-Glen Norah; Chitungwiza; Kadoma and Mutare, five were represented by their branch co-ordinators, whilst the co-ordinators of the Budiriro-Glen View and Bulawayo branches sent apologies but were represented by members of their branch committees.

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Crisis in Zimbabwe after the March 2008 Elections: Crisis in Zimbabwe after the March 2008 Elections:

What now after the elections

The massive performance of MDC (T) partly vindicates those who were arguing that something was happening in the electorate and therefore necessary to participate in the elections.
However, our central positions remain intact. If MDC (T) is correct that it won the presidential elections by an absolute majority, yet Zanu PF is insisting that there will be a run-off, this confirms our basic argument that the regime would remain in power by hook or crook, unless otherwise compelled by mass mobilization. Further our other basic position of the likelihood of an elitist and neoliberal deal around a government of national unity remains most likely. Despite the massive vote for change and removal of the Zanu PF dictatorship by the masses, the elites who now dominate MDC (T) are likely to cut a deal with the regime.
The number of elites such as business people, bankers and top professionals and lawyers amongst the newly elected MDC parliament representatives is staggering, with no less than fourteen senior lawyers! At the same time the elections have produced a hung parliament which gives disproportionate power to the similarly elitist dominated MDC (Mutambara) / Makoni factions whose 7 – 10% vote will be necessary for both the presidential run-off and to pass laws and budgets in parliament. In Zanu PF itself the best performing areas where in the Mashonaland provinces dominated by the pro-business Mujuru faction. These factors point to the strong likelihood of an elitist deal, under pressure from business and the imperialists, especially with the sword of Mugabe’s black indigenization law hanging over their heads. As Minister Chinamasa points out, there is immense pressure of a government of national unity in international and regional circles, with threats of escalation of the sanctions if this fails to materialize.
This is why one cannot dismiss off-hand the claim by Zanu PF that MDC (T) has already made proposals for cancellation of the run-off and for a government of national unity. As we earlier warned the MDC elites were desperate to get into government at any cost. The MDC officials that Zanu PF claims have approached them are the same in Tsvangirai’s infamous kitchen cabinet. We should also not forget that this is the same MDC that went into secret talks with Zanu PF and signed Amendment 18. In any case Tsvangirai has made no secret his intention of creating a government of national unity "with elements from Zanu PF."
Thus MDC (T)’s new position of boycotting the run-off, after initially stating it would contest "under protest", would be commendable and consistent with our earlier argument of rejecting the fake elections, but is suspect in the circumstances. Instead of mobilizing the masses who have overwhelmingly voted for it, as did its counterpart in Kenya, MDC (T) has focused on calling for so-called "international community" intervention – code words for the western countries; sending its leaders on futile regional – international "diplomatic offensives"; and most damning pacifying its members and civic groups by calling for restraint and not doing anything to provoke the regime and the party again going to Mugabe’s courts for relief, giving the regime cover to draw out the dispute and consolidate its positions.
The behavior of the regime in refusing to announce the results has more than vindicated the position of those who said that without a democratic constitution and mass mobilization, the March elections would not deliver change and that Mugabe was not joking when he warned Bulawayo residents – "You can vote for them (MDC), but that will be a wasted vote. You will be cheating yourself as there is no way we can allow them to rule this country… The MDC will not rule this country. It will never, ever happen. Asisoze sivume."
Now emboldened by the cowardice and opportunism of the elites who now dominate the opposition, Zanu PF is arrogantly insisting on a run-off that on every count it should lose, given that the combined opposition vote in the parliamentary elections was around 53% to Zanu PF’s 43%. Zanu PF is likely to launch a vicious and brutal scotched earth campaign in the rural areas for the run off, but even this is unlikely to surpass the significant numerical advantage the opposition enjoys, unless Zanu PF fiddles with the figures.
Although one can’t discount the possibility of a deal being struck off before the run-off, the more likely possibility is that of Zanu PF still pushing for the run-off, "winning" it and establish the legitimacy it yearns for and thereafter after softening of MDC, still entering into an elitist western-backed neo-liberal deal with the opposition to deal with the economic crisis. What should revolutionaries and radicals in civic society and organized labour do in the circumstances?
In the first place we welcome the route that MDC (T) has now taken, under pressure from its radicals and the masses, namely that MDC (T) will not participate in the fake run-off or re-count and calling for mass action. This stops the confusion and inconsistency that they have been showing. If MDC (T) is genuine in saying it won the elections and has been rigged why participate in a second round, where you are likely to be rigged again, as we had earlier on warned? However, it is not enough to merely boycott and do nothing or try and rely on useless methods like regional or international talks etc, for the regime will only use the space to consolidate itself or the international community, with the support of the cowardly and opportunistic elites in the party, will force MDC (T) into a sell out government of national unity with the regime.
A boycott to be effective, must be followed by mass mobilization and a campaign for civil disobedience – jambanja! MDC (T) had already lost valuable momentum immediately after the elections, when it could have initiated mass action together with civic society in the full glare of the regional and international media. But the current situation, where the elites have become entangled in the elections results issue, re-opens new possibilities for mobilization of mass action. The real way forward then is to immediately plan and mobilize for mass resistance to the electoral fraud, as the brave women of WOZA have shown.
This can be multifaceted starting with less confrontational methods that build confidence such as pressure on ZEC to resign, especially those seconded by the opposition, regular mass prayer meetings, cascading into stayaways and general strikes and demonstrations, if the regime refuses our deadlines, especially ahead of Independence Day on 18 April. On the day of the general strike and demonstration regional and international solidarity marches should be called for. The key demands remain rejection of the fake elections and demand for free and fair election under a new democratic and people driven constitution together with the demand for a tax-free living wage for workers and other demands in the Peoples Charter. This action cannot be left to the MDC (T) leadership alone, as the elites who now dominate such party do not have the capacity nor courage to do such action. The way forward is action led by a democratic united front of the opposition parties, civic society and labour, with every party agreeing not to make individual and separate deals with the regime.
At all times radical civic society must keep its autonomy from the opposition parties. The groups around the Peoples Convention must urgently re-group an dlike their Kenyan counter-parts start this process. For as we earlier warned – "unlike previous alliances like the Broad Alliance and Save Zimbabwe, such united front must be autonomous of MDC … The experiences from 2000 teach us that ‘any strategy of fighting the dictatorship based on a movement dominated or controlled by the MDC will remain prisoner to the glaring ideological and strategic confusion it has shown since 2000 and is bound to fail …
Even if it should engage in some action, its primary pre-occupation is towards reaching a sell out settlement with the Zanu PF dictatorship …" However, given the obvious chicanery around the current results, the isolation of the regime, the massive and still escalating economic crisis, and the massive courage and confidence shown by the working people in the March elections and the confusion around the elections, the ground is more than fertile for mass resistance and action that can defeat the regime.
However, the dominance of business elites in MDC (T), points out to the fact that the party may still eventually enter the run off, despite current contrary proclaimations. If that happens then the radical forces will have to decide the advantages of an unconditional but critical vote for Tsvangirai as opposed to a boycott of the elections in order not to legitimize them as we had earlier called for. Contrary to our earlier position we now believe that given the failure to build an autonomous united front of labour, radical civic groups and the revolutionary left, after most such groups went into bed with MDC (T) in the harmonized elections an din the absence of left radicalization in Zanu PF itself, the possibility of the people power scenario, is highly reduced. Unless there is an elitist deal, and in the context of an escalating economic crisis, the greater likelihood becomes of a full scale Zanu PF – military dictatorship or a failed state, both eventualities that would crush the democratic , opposition and left forces given their current weaknesses.
In such circumstances, and in view of the massive support for MDC (T) in the March elections from working people, the way to go is to call for a vote for Tsvangirai without illusions about the regime going peacefully, but for the masses to use the period around the vote to remobilize for mass action, if as is likely the regime again steals, rigs or kills its way to victory. Further even in the eventuality of an MDC victory for the masses not to have illusions as to the nature of an MDC government but to be open and clear of what it would stand for – full restoration of a brazenly corrupt neoliberal dictatorship over the poor including privatization and significant reversal of the land reforms.
However, the call for its victory is premised on the basis that such a regime would still offer greater democratic space for the working classes, anti-capitalist movements and the left than under a military dictatorship or failed state. It is also likely to stabilize the economic crisis in the short to medium term, as the sanctions are lifted, increased tourist inflows. It is highly likely that there will be a fairly significant degree of imperialist aid and investment and balance of payment support, as they try and stabilize the new regime, to avoid the earlier fate of a similar regime in Palestine. Already the British government has promised a package of around $US billion as part of an overall package seen as one of the highest in recent years. Thus economic recovery albeit on an elitist basis and premised on resumption of a full-neoliberal programme is likely. Yet this would still arrest the hemorrhage the masses are now suffering, including of activists and cadres. As of now the masses are roasting on a fire, with a Mugabe victory sending them to hell, whereas an MDC government, like in Zambia and Kenya after Kaunda and Moi, likely to remove them from the fire into a pan next to the fire! Again as in those countries, the effects of the MDC neoliberal programme are likely to be felt towards the end of the first term of the regime. The key being that the left, organized labour and the anti-capitalist movement must continue their struggles right at the inception of an MDC government or government of national unity centred around anti-neoliberal bread and butter demands containe din the People Charters and sme promised by MDC (T) in the elections, as well as a new democratic constitution. They must use the intervening period to build their forces and cadreship and establish an effective united front to lead the masses when they start revolting against the neoliberal regime that succeeds the Mugabe dictatorship. This is what did not happen in Zambia and Kenya and allowed elements of the same regimes to again hijack the people’s movements.
Finally it is clear that the hold that Tsvangirai and MDC have on the urban poor and increasingly the generality of the working people can only be broken if the Mugabe dictatorship is broken and Tsvangirai ascends into power for his true characters to be fully exposed. Without that the illusions the masses have in him, derived from the leadership role he played in the initial round of revolt against neoliberalism and the dictatorship in 1997 – 99 and in the absence of a significant left united front alternative, will persist to the detriment of building a true mass anti-capitalist and revolutionary movement, especially in the context of the economic meltdown and unprecedented poverty we now face in Zimbabwe. He therefore must be given the long rope… the sooner the better. But at this momentous stage in the history of Zimbabwe, as the conflicts amongst the elites open a window, it is paramount that the democratic, opposition, progressive and revolutionary forces urgently come together around a programme of mass action from below, the only real way to defeat the dictatorship and stop a neoliberal elitist deal.
ISO Zimbabwe (11 – 04 – 2008)

ISO Analysis of the March 29 elections

Analysis of March 29 Elections
In the March elections, MDC (T)has performed much better than we had anticipated, maintaining its urban strongholds and defeating Zanu PF in some of its previous strongholds in particular in Manicaland and Masvingo.1
The combined opposition will control the House of Assembly including appointing the Speaker. And contrary to our projections, if the two MDC factions had run united they would actually have won the March elections. However, our analysis remained valid in so far as the results show the continuing support for Zanu PF in the majority of rural supporters.
Thus unlike what happened to other regimes that had implemented neoliberal programmes and were subsequently virtually wiped out such as UNIP in Zambia, Kanu in Kenya or MCP n Malawi, Zanu PF still remains a substantial party in Zimbabwe despite the unprecedented economic crisis. Indeed the presidential results are going be decisive, for whichever party wins, will also control the legislature as the president will not only enjoy executive powers but also directly appoint 15 senators and influence the eighteen chief senators. Nonetheless the opposition did very well. What factors explain the above?
First and foremost is the massive poverty induced by the escalating economic crisis, now extending to the rural poor and the obvious inability of the state to address this. Whilst factors like corruption, inefficiency and agriculture decline partially explain the economic crisis, the fundamental reason is the strangulation of the economy by the capitalists and the western countries through direct and indirect sanctions. These include denial of access to international credit to the Zimbabwean state and companies under laws like the US Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act; travel warnings to tourists; massive reduction in investment and aid with for instance Zimbabwe now receiving less than US$10 for every person affected by AIDS/HIV when the regional comparison is over US$100.
Whilst strangulating the national economy and capacity of the state to deliver welfare, the western countries poured significant amounts of money into food relief for peasants in most rural areas through the WFP and international NGOs. Faced with another disastrous agricultural season the peasants, especially in the drought-prone provinces, voted with their stomachs for the party they felt was closest to those who were feeding them.
This is the "soft rigging" Zanu PF is now harping on and will possibly use as justification for rejecting the results.
Secondly and related to the above is the continued working class and urban poor support for MDC (T), in the absence of viable left alternatives and growing poverty. Further many workers retrenched as a result of the crisis and those displaced by Operation Murambatsvina provided the critical mass around which MDC (T) was able to campaign around in the rural areas. This was especially so in the context of probably the most peaceful electoral environment since 1980 due to the SADC/Mbeki Initiative, a sleek, deceitful and massively funded MDC (T) campaign, which for the first time since 2000 emphasized on the bread and butter issues affecting the masses such as education, health and food. Finally were the immense divisions within Zanu PF stalked by the succession question, which saw unpopular candidates imposed from the top.
Finally, Mugabe also paid the price the failure of his regime to radicalize further in response to the economic siege. The regime’s only probable alternative to deal with the current crisis and onslaught by business and the imperialists was to move towards expropriation of the main businesses that produce the necessities of life, in other words a state capitalist model similar to Cuba or North Korea. Instead the business elites in the regime led by Reserve Bank governor G. Gono, successfully fought the June 207 price freeze measures advocating for free market policies and bribes for the electorate through tractors, ploughs etc. Without the economic wherewithal the Zanu PF state remains weak and unable to meet the basic needs of the population. It is of course debatable whether under the current global political and economic environment, even a state capitalist model, would have saved the regime, rom a determined onslaught by the forces of global capital, as we see the retreat that regimes like Libya and N. Korea are now makng(
1 MDC (T) got 99 seats in the House of Assembly compared to 97 for Zanu PF, 10 MDC (Mutambara) and 1 Independent (Jonathan Moyo); and in Senate MDC (T) got 24 seats, Zanu PF 30 and MDC (Mutambara) 6. In terms of the popular vote for the House of Assembly, Zanu PF won 45.9 percent of the total vote, MDC (T), 42.8 and MDC (Mutambara) 8.3, and independents
– 2.7 percent. Of the ten provinces Zanu PF won in six provinces five absolutely, compared to MDC (T)`s four, two absolutely. These results were mirrored in Senate were Zanu PF won 45.4 percent of the popular vote, carrying six provinces, five absolutely, whilst MDC (T) won 43.5 percent, carrying four provinces, two absolutely .

ZSF Mobilising for a living Social Forum

ZSF has now assumed a living character and is now probably the most organized Social Forum in the region if not the whole of Africa. This has largely been because of serious ideological and strategic debates and fights in the ZSF over the way forward. The growing success of ZSF has vindicated the arguments of the radical social movements and revolutionary socialists that rather than follow the model of a mere annual talk show or space run from above by loose, un-elected and unaccountable leadership structures dominated by NGO elites characteristic of most social forum processes on the continent, the way to go for ZSF was to become a radical living Social Forum with defined, accountable and democratically elected leadership structures rooted in the social movements and ordinary masses and one which actively supports and facilitates, in action and not just talk, the daily bread and butter struggles of the poor against neoliberal capitalism and the Zanu PF political dictatorship. The historic ZSF Annual Strategic Planning meeting of 10 March 2007 adopted the later approach and obliged all ZSF structures from regions, clusters and commissions to renew, democratically, leadership structures as well as accelerate campaigns of resistance.
So far many clusters and regions have met electing leaderships and adopting campaigns of resistance, as shown below. Unfortunately a few clusters, regions and NOC commissions are still lagging behind.
HIV and AIDS Cluster
The cluster had its first meeting this year on the 3rd May where they selected their AIDS Council Committee led by cde Douglas, deputized by cde Sibongile. They adopted three key campaigns on health, education and running consumer co-operatives to ensure the availability of affordable and subsidised food and other basics. Citing the articulated government policy stating that no pupils should be suspended for non-payment of fees, they wrote letters to several school heads demanding reinstatement of pupils whose parents are HIV and AIDS patients who had been suspended from schools because of non-payment of fees and levies.
The campaign was indeed a success for most school heads and the ministry of education had no objections to the idea but only expressed that it needs to be done early in the year before schools open so that they have a comprehensive list of pupils who need such exemption . The campaign must grow to include a right to education for all children and run in conjunction with other clusters like the youths, disability and gender clusters. The cluster also agreed to run community health forums in the townships demanding the right to free treatment and free ARVs drugs to all HIV and AIDS patients. These are yet to kick off. The cluster also successfully organized this year’s commemorations on the Global AIDS commemorations week in Chitungwiza
Labour Cluster
They had their initial cluster meeting on the 25th April and agreed to let cde Canwell, the ZCTU nominee to the ZSF continue being the convener of the cluster but deputized by cde Ady from the ZLC. Ever since then they have been meeting fortnightly .The cluster also agreed to fully subscribe to the ZCTU calendar of events in particular the campaigns and stayaways for a living wage. Comrades in the cluster also attended the ZCTU Health and Safety day.
Informal Trade
They had their inaugural cluster meeting on the 19th of April with .cde Augustine from the cross borders association selected the convener. A well –attended teach-in was done in May. The key challenges facing this cluster and campaigns adopted included those of: the right to free trade in the SADCC region especially the removal of restrictive visa requirements in SA and the right to trade for vemusika and vendors in the urban areas. A new and recent challenge that the cluster needs to fight are the new laws imposing requirement that traders pay in forex for their imports.
Gender
Had a cluster meeting on the 12th of May. Cdes from WOZA, HIV and AIDS support groups, PADARE, ZCTU and ISO attended the meeting and backed cde Tabeth to be the convener and cde Tecla as deputy. The cluster adopted the following key campaigns: for food security and income generation through setting up consumer co-operatives under the Consumer Council and fighting for the right to trade of vendors ne vemusika; campaign to resist the privatization of water under ZINWA; a campaign for the right to education campaign by ensuring that no pupil is sent from school for not paying fees and levies; and to support the ZCTU WAC campaign for the right to dignity for girls and women by ensuring free or subsidized and affordable pads. The cluster resolved to run community forums in the townships to build up these campaigns.

Social Service Delivery
The cluster re-affirmed cde Mabhoo from CHRA as its NOC representative deputized by cde Taderera from CHIRRA. Members attended an extra-ordinary convention of residents associations in Masvingo over the ZINWA – water crisis and set up a National Task-Force chaired by cde Mabhoo to lead a national resistance campaign against ZINWA. CHIRRA held a powerful Chitungwiza report back meeting in June on the corruption in the MDC-Zanu PF run council in June in which resolutions for action were adopted. CHRA had earlier on a successful meeting in Harare on the need to fight water privatization and ZINWA. Already various groups in Budiriro have started local actions demanding that ZINWA dig boreholes and provide water bowers at selected points or face a rates boycotts. Similar demands have been placed on local business to help fund the construction of boreholes. The challenge is now to get the water campaign fully off the ground starting with community forums, rates boycotts and actions. As Hosia Chipanga says – “Ndakambokutaurirayi kuti mvura haitengeswe…”
Governance and Human Rights
The cluster is led by cde M. Chivasa from the NCA. Meetings have been sparse but a successful teach-in in conjunction with ZESN was done in late August attended by representatives from all clusters. ZimRights had a well attended public meeting on the 2008 elections in Harare. The key challenge of the cluster is now co-ordination and mobilization of resistance to the attempts by elites in the political parties to run fake and rigged elections under an imposed elitist new constitution on Zimbabwe without the involvement of the people. Civic society must re-mobilise for a Second Working People’s Convention to reject this and demand democratic elections in 2008 but only under a new, people driven and anti-ESAP constitution that would have been approved in a free and democratic referendum.

Generally as we write there are intense mobilization for the social forums in Chitungwiza - 22 September; Mutare – 29 September and Bulawayo - 6 October, which are all promising to be the most powerful and focused up to date and setting firm foundations for mobilizing resistance campaigns in the coming period. Thus the ZSF has mutated in all aspects from clusters, commissions, regions, the NOC and National Council gearing for playing a lead role in the unfolding struggles in Zimbabwe and SADCC. Now the way forward is to link all cluster activities in different townships and regions and have joint activities and campaigns. We must use the coming regional social forums and SASF in Mozambique on 17 – 19 October to sharpen our understanding of the crisis and forge effective new tactics and strategies so as to immediately roll out our campaigns of resistance. So its action full time after the forums!
Mike Sambo

No. 18 amendment ...the Great betrayal ...Working People`s convention now !

For the first or second time, at least known publicly, the two main political parties agreed on constitutional amendments supposedly meant to resolve the crisis in the country. The Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill, No 18 was unanimously passed by, “amid thunderous applause from both Zanu –PF and MDC legislators.” The Bill harmonises presidential, parliamentary and local authority elections next year to be done in one day, increases the number of MPs and a few other cosmetic changes. 111 MPs voted for the Bill and none voted against. Speakers from ZANU PF and MDC spoke vociferously, applauding the coming together of the enemies for a decade. The ZANU PF chief Whip Joram Gumbo had this to say,
“We from this side of the House want to say the chickens have come home to roost. We realise now that we are Zimbabweans. We, as Zimbabweans, are able to come together and solve our issues."
The MDC (Tsvangirai) deputy president, Thoko Khupe stated:
"We supported the Bill because we do not want to see Zimbabwe burning.. It does not mean we have abandoned our demand for a new people-driven Constitution. It is our understanding that this will be delivered in due course."
Welshman Ncube, of the MDC (Mutambara) was even more forthright …
"Zimbabweans are faced with a national crisis. We may differ, but we agree there is a crisis. Some where along the way we lost each other. This is our attempt to find each other.”
Another opposition leader stated - “Today is the beginning of a historic moment in this house....We are in the process of making history and finding solutions to the crisis."
Quiet stunning from viciously warring parties in the last few years, including in the opposition. Tuesday the 18th of September was the outcome of the secret ongoing Mbeki talks between the two MDC's and ZANU PF led by Chinamasa and Goche for ZANU PF and Tendai Biti and Welshmen Ncube for the two MDC's.
“Treachery” – varombo kuvarombo vapfumi kuvapfumi
This deal is not for the poor and oppressed who have bravely withstood the hard times we have been going through and have been the necessary fuel to the existence of the MDC. Now the last decade of inspiring work by labour, civic society and social movements has been sacrificed by leaders only interested in getting into power and accumulating wealth. Indeed on that Tuesday 18 September 2007, while ‘they’ took Zimbabwe through this ‘historic moment’, labour and students activists were in police cells over the ZCTU stayaway. Truly the moment was historic. A turn in the direction of where the struggle for liberation is going. Yesterday showed us that "varombo kuvarombo, vafumi kuvafumi," must now be the slogan of the day and that the opposition leaders have accepted Mugabe’s invitation at the tractor feast that “Nyaya yekudya inyaya yedu tose … kana toita politics tinenge taguta.” The ideological mist that masked a false unity of purpose in the opposition forces has now been blown away.
Virtually all key civic society groups and the ZCTU have rightly denounced it. Arnold Tsunga, the chairman of Crisis Zimbabwe Coalition and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights director said – “We think the MDC has sold out, and it will be very difficulty to work with them in future, taking into perspective the minor adjustment they and ZANU PF have agreed to.”
Lovemore Madhuku and the NCA were even more blistering in their attack:
We are disgusted by the MDC. I don’t see myself sitting under the same tent with both Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara discussing the future of this country. We are severing ties with the MDC over their going into bed with ZANU PF... The MDC’s decision to abandon the principle of a people driven Constitution and opting for a process driven by political parties in Parliament is an act of treachery.”
The NCA gave other reasons to reject the deal, including that: (1) it allows Mugabe to appoint his own successor through Parliament, instead of there being elections; (2) the size of parliament has been massively increased beyond the capacity of the country and economy, from 150 to 210 MPs and Senate from 66 to 93 – all these will be given brand new 4 x 4 double cabs! (3) it does not provide Zimbabweans in the Diaspora with the right to vote as in other SADC countries; (4) the appointment of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission remains under the control of Mugabe, who also retains his massive executive presidency powers and control of the state, courts, security arms and media; (5) the Bill of Rights remains the same not guaranteeing the rights of workers, the poor and oppressed or effective freedoms of movement, association and expression. There can be no free and fair elections under such conditions.
As some have already commented, this is a sick deal in which the MDC has got even less than Muzorewa got from Smith! Like Smith, Mugabe is today in a tight corner as the economy collapses, and instead of escalating resistance with other forces as the Patriotic Front did in 1978, the MDC is giving the Mugabe regime a life-saving boat!
Reasons behind Betrayal
However, progressive Social Movements, Labour and Civil Society, must celebrate this event as a refreshing moment which has vindicated a whole decade of ideological analysis of how to deal with the Mugabe dictatorship. Since at least 2001, we in the ISO have warned about how the opposition MDC has been hijacked by elitist capitalist forces and the need to construct an autonomous alternative anti-neoliberal united front to carry on the struggle, with the MDC, but independent of it if need be. We argued – “Thus any strategy of fighting the dictatorship based on a movement dominated or controlled by the MDC will remain prisoner to the glaring ideological and strategic confusion it has shown since 2000 and is bound to fail… its primary preoccupation is towards reaching a sell –out settlement with the Zanu PF dictatorship that will not benefit the poor and working people… The possibility of an elite political settlement between the ruling party and opposition around a western supported full neo-liberal programme is thus real. This will be centred around the neo-liberal economic turn-around programme of ESAP 2 that has been spearheaded by Gono since 2003. The drive towards a settlement is driven by several factors including the ruling classes’ fear of an economic-social implosion because of the worsening economic crisis with unforeseeable political implications, and the fact that both parties are now dominated by elites who subscribe to neo-liberalism and are exhausted and fearful of the crisis of the last decade…. (ZANU PF) elites now want the peace to grow and launder the wealth acquired in the last decade but cannot do so in the context of a crisis ridden state under siege from the west. But to ensure that Zanu PF elites do not relapse as they did in 1997, the forces of global neo-liberalism demand a political guarantee in the form of co-option in government of their trusted agents in Zimbabwe, the MDC and (the exit of Mugabe). On the other hand, the opposition is dominated by the petite bourgeois elite, who long ago prostrated themselves before western neo-liberal political and economic forces and are now eager to get into state power, even as junior partners, and accumulate property as a neo-colonial dependent capitalist class”
It is such elitist settlement to pre-empt social-revolution, that the Mbeki Talks and Const Amendment 18 are designed to achieve supported by Mbeki and the west, with, as Mukundu of MISA aptly puts it - Tsvangirai likely to be “the unwilling sacrificial lamb, sacrificed at the altar of quiet diplomacy and the quest for power by those inside his ‘cabinet,” and as a price for Mugabe to agree to retire – a price not only the opportunist elites in MDC will be willing to pay but also the west, who have always seen Tsvangirai as naïve and dispensable. The West’s interests in Zimbabwe may be summarised simply - Re-launch of the Free Market dictatorship in Zimbabwe. The West would want to be vindicated that the SAP's under the IMF work but were mismanaged in Zimbabwe, besides banishing forever the “bad precedent” set by Mugabe on the land question. Mbeki wants to ensure that Tsvangirai does not set an example for COSATU/SACP to follow as Chiluba did in Zambia. So they will be prepared to ooze from all their financial tanks into the "New Zimbabwe" as soon as the new deal succeeds. SAP's have had a history of dismal failure and in the Latin Americas they have been shoved off by resurgent anti-neoliberal forces. It will only be wise to sanctify them with a Zimbabwe renewed and re-engaged. This explains the ICG, EU and McKinnons of the Commonwealth now wanting dialogue with Mugabe.

Working People Convention and Jambanja now!
But the elites in power and in opposition may not have it all their way. Now that the talks have been lubricated by the Number 18 Amendment, and vice versa, the driving seat seems to have been secured. But the major question remains the destination. Number 18 represents a political crisis and storm coming down. This is however still veiled by an unpredictable Mugabe trajectory, momentarily shrouded in speculation. It remains to be seen how Mugabe will manage his political campaign for the coming elections. The economic crisis that has threatened Mugabe's political power is still pending. Price hikes may be well on their way back to madness. So the economic crisis resolution is yet to be propounded. Neither is it all clear in MDC (Tsvangirai). There are stirrings of serious opposition, with reports that the youths, the women section, key provinces like Harare and Bulawayo, the Diaspora and other radicals are opposing the sell – out deal, with support coming mainly from the self-seeking MPs. Indeed over the week-end, Mugabe’s spokesperson, George Charamba, had revealed such stirrings and predicted that whilst the MDC (Mutambara) executive would easily support the deal, it was going to face stiff and insurmountable resistance in the Tsvangirai one, sending Biti into oblivion.
The above provides a historic moment for the progressives in labour, civic society, revolutionary socialists and MDC radicals to reclaim the initiative, smash this sell –out neoliberal elitist deal and re-launch the struggle to smash the dictatorship and the attempts at accelerating ESAP. These forces must urgently convene a 2nd Working People’s Convention which will discuss the treacherous Mbeki Talks and Amendment 18 and the way forward. Central will be that harmonised elections be done in 2008 but only under a democratic, people driven and anti-ESAP constitution. If the regime rejects this, then the struggle must be shifted to all out mass action – jambanja or civil disobedience in which there is no co-operation whatsoever with the regime but a determined struggle to throw it out as has happened elsewhere. The ZCTU has already started the ball rolling, but to succeed we need united action of labour and civic society. Like Smith in 1978, the regime is now cornered, which is why its making concessions. History teaches us that success is possible. For instance the March 1961 Zhii – Zhanda strikes forced Nkomo to abandon the sell –out constitutional deal he had made with the British giving blacks 15 out of 65 parliamentary seats. In 1978, after ZANU refused to accept the Internal Settlement deal, Nkomo also withdrew from any further deals with the Smith- Muzorewa regime and opted for continuing with the struggle under the Patriotic Front. In 2005 Tsvangirai gave in to pressure not to go into the Senate elections. The same can happen today if we are resolute! Jambanja Ndizvo!

slogan

shinga mushandi shinga

Graphical workers union congress

Its permanent struggle for the Printing workers

June 16 saw an end to a protracted fight in the Zimbabwe Graphical Workers Union between the rank and file workers and right wing bureaucrats. Workers finally convened an extra-ordinary congress amidst several attempts to jeopardize them by the bureaucrats who went as far as calling the state to disrupt the congress .The congress was magnificent and one of its kind in the history of the union, it was basically run on a shoe string budget but workers sacrificed all the way from all regions to save their union from collapse.
The congress marked the beginning of a new era, an era of building a real strong union deeply rooted in workers with progressive socialists now in control of the union unlike the previous leadership which had long broken ties with its members. But its hard won freedom for workers for the history of the union fights tells us more and bears a lot to be learnt. Critically that, in the absence of strong organized rank and file organization, chances of trade union bureaucrats ultimately selling is very high .The last five years of the Zimbabwe Graphical workers union have it all .
In 2002 when with guidance from ISO comrades; workers formed a rank and file group called Reflections after the union had failed workers for over a decade. The union was then led by a bunch of sellouts who neither bothered accountability nor a congress to choose new leaders .The rank and file group historically managed to push for a congress in 2002 which swept away the entire previous leadership.
The 2002 congress brought new life in the printing industry, within a year workers in the printing industry were amongst the top paid industrial workers .The union organized two industry wide strikes which completely halted the whole industry forcing bosses to make major concessions to the advantage of workers. Situation suddenly changed altogether after their second successful strike when bosses victimized and fired most of the militant workers who had together with the union officials helped organize the strike.
Unfortunately most of the fired workers constituted a section of the union rank and file, which provided direct leadership in the factories and again played a watchdog role in the union.
Their departure from active participation in the union in a way gave birth to the rise of bureaucrats who found no reason at all for accountability to workers. They established ties with bosses negotiating starvation wages reversing worker’s hard won gains.
It is against the deteriorating conditions again in the industry that concerned workers led by remnants of the previous rank and file of 2002 organized for an extra-ordinary congress on the 16th June, which saw the last kicks to the bureaucrats and sellouts.

It was possible for the sellouts to sell out because workers behind them were no all that organized to demand accountability from their leaders, a lesson which the current leadership should learn and always maintain that rank and file base. Strengthening the rank and file workers backed by socialists now in the leadership will provide the necessary bases for the formation of a RED union which will together with three orfour others in the near future will help strengthen the working class of the country .
Aluta Continua !! Shinga Mushandi , Bury Capitalism !!!
By M Sambo

Create an alternative voice to ZANU PF and MDC

Build a United Front
Create an alternative voice to ZANU PF and MDC
The now obvious right wing shift of the MDC has seen a growing number of workers, students and youths and the radical middle classes becoming disgruntled and questioning the direction of the party .The question which confronts these people , is what is the way forward ?Zanu PF , despite its populist posturing , especially on the land issue , remains firmly embedded as the bosses party , a process strengthened by the death of Border Gezi and Hunzvi .The black bosses in the party now controls all key provinces in ZANU PF and its other key organs like the politburo and Parliament .
But on the other hand the deepening crisis of capitalism locally and internationally, is again making a real possibility of the return of the radical mass based struggles of 1997, as the current nationwide students demonstrations against privatizations how .At an international level , there is developing an anti-capitalist movement shown by major demonstrations in North America , Latin America and Europe in the past two years .
As way forward we argue for the re-groupment of the left and the working class movement in Zimbabwe, and regionally on the bases of a principle of united front, as alternative to the two bosses parties ZANU PF and MDC.
United front
“March separately but strike together”, is the slogan of the united front – a theory developed by the Russian Bolshevik revolutionary, Leon Trotsky on how to deal with situations that confront us in Zimbabwe today. This means revolutionary organizations; radical reformist organizations, trade unions, students and others can enter into temporary alliances around specific issues. When Trotsky at the end of the 1920s, he was concerned about the emergence of the fascism in Europe and he called upon revolutionary socialists to enter into united front alliances with centrist or reformist parties and organizations to smash the then emerging threat of fascism in Italy and Germany .This was in opposition to the Stalinists who opposed such alliances with slogans like “after Hitler ,Our turn” on the eve of Hitler’s victory! Trotsky argued for the unity of democratic forces against rising Fascism , but nonetheless argued even in such unity the socialists must maintain their independence and identity and not be swallowed ,ie March separately but strike together !”.
After the NAZI victory , the Stalinists made a dramatic u-turn going into alliances with such reformist organizations but entirely subordinating themselves to such popular fronts , only to be betrayed by their new allies , sometimes with massive tragic results like in Spain in 1936 , France in 1934 and subsequently Indonesia in 1965 and Chile in 1973.

United front against ZANU PF
The same issues confront us today. ZANU PF and Mugabe today constitutes the biggest threat to the working class as shown by their draconian Labour bill and other legislation and trampling of basic bourgeois rights ahead of 2002 elections. This therefore calls for unity in a united front of all radical forces concerned about democracy in the country to ensure free and fair elections next year and the respect of its results .This means a unity of all radical sections of Labour, constitutional movement , student movement , civic society and those disgruntled with the right wing shift of the MDC and ZANU PF
However such united front should not bind or subordinate itself to the MDC , but each and every individual organization in the front should be allowed to maintain its political and organizational independence , including the right to attack and expose the right wing nature of the MDC even if it is the sole electoral alternative to ZANU PF in the coming elections .
In particular for revolutionary organizations like ISO it is imperative to maintain absolute political independence throughout, if they are not to abandon the very politics that could win real gains for the working class, as happened to the SACP in the ANC popular front.
Socialists must know that their primary role in such alliances is to advance workers ideas within it and seek to win a broader audience for the revolutionary ideas within it .The role of the revolutionary party is to lead and influence workers in the united front so that in the process of the united struggle , workers can see for themselves that the revolutionary politics offer a way forward as opposed to the dead end reformist politics of parliament and courts .
But revolutionaries must always bear in mind that a policy aimed to secure the united front does not of course contain automatic guarantees that unity in action will be attained in all instances .On the contrary , in many cases and perhaps even the majority of cases , organization objectives will only be half – attained if at all .
Freedom of expression uncompromisable

In the vent that reformists in the united front begin putting brakes on the struggle to the obvious detriment of the movement and counter to the situation on the ground and the mood of the masses , we as an independent organization always reserve the right to lead the struggle to the end , and this without our temporary semi-allies .
This precisely describes the position of ISO in the MDC , which give imperatives of democracy movements in the country and the mood of the working class , we entered a united front bases , and continue to offer support on that bases , contrary on the ultra – leftist positions of many of our critics in the regional and international socialist movement who had wanted out .But through out we have fought for and returned complete freedom of expression in order to expose the betrayal , indecisions and halfway spirit of the reformist leadership of the MDC .For that reason any sort of organizational agreement which restricts our freedom our criticism and agitation is completely unacceptable to us , hence we have been prepared to make a complete break with the MDC should such conditions become imposed on us .We stand on that position today which has won us grow audience amongst sections of the radical workers .As Lenin urged in the Left – wing communism – an infantile disorder” it is only through direct experience gained in the course of actual struggle that the broad masses learn that we as socialists fight better than the cowardly reformists , that we are more audacious and resolute that the others .The united front is the form through which we participate in such struggles with the masses and those whom we might agree with on 60% of the objective but disagree on the rest and the form in which we will be able to expose the bankruptcy of the middle class reformists groups and build our own forces .In this way , we shall bring closer the our of the united revolutionary front under undisputed socialist leadership .
By T Sando

Social contract---ZCTU Pull out and call for general strike

Social Contract: ZCTU Pull Out and call for General Strike Now!

On 1 June 2007, the leaders of the unions led by the ZCTU signed the Incomes and Pricing Stabilisation Protocol with government and business. Also signing were APEX for public servants and the Zanu (PF) yellow dog “union federation”, the ZFTU.
The ZCTU says it only signed this protocol and not the other two or a social contract, but the protocol is the most important of the three, the very heart of the social contract that RBZ Governor has been pushing since March. The idea was to reduce inflation to 25% by year end from the then 3 700%; to stop the massive increases of prices of basic goods with businesses promising to increase prices of goods only within agreed parameters; stabilize the economy and give workers a living wage consistent with the Poverty Datum Line. National Employment Councils were supposed to do a one off collective bargaining bench-marked on the April PDL of $1.7 million per month and thereafter monthly collective bargaining based on the inflation rate, whilst government undertook not to tax employees earning below the PDL. The labour leaders in turn promised to ensure “industrial peace” for the six months duration of the protocol, i.e. stop workers from going on strike including the stay away in July earlier on resolved by the ZCTU General Council and affirmed only a week before and at May Day by militant ZCTU president, L. Matombo. They also surrendered their historic role as the leaders of the poor and downtrodden by signing an agreement that said nothing about them. Giving up their most powerful weapon even at a time their South African and Nigerian counterparts were executing huge strikes in defence of the poor.
But the Zanu PF regime and capitalists deceived the labour leaders. Less than three weeks since the signing of the social contract, there has been a huge wave of price increases of everything from transport to food to medicines that we have not seen in the last decade. Indeed the state is now frantically calling for an emergency TNF meeting to address the issues. In any case bosses had not really given much away, with the June PDL already over $3.5 million whilst there was no provision compelling the state to give immediate statutory status to the Protocol, leaving it as a legally non-binging set of promises by government and employers.
Considering the history of other countries in particular Italy, France, Spain, Indonesia and South Africa, the social contract theory - strategy has always been used by governments and bosses when their system of capitalism is in deep crisis and in danger of being overthrown by revolution from the poor to buy time, co-opt labour and the radical movements and later on launch vicious attacks against the working people when things stabilize. In Zimbabwe, the Mugabe regime, despite the rhetoric to the contrary, is now in a corner, battered and bruised by the general crisis of Gono’s neoliberal capitalism, sanctions and near collapse of the agriculture sector. There is real danger of a total economic collapse by December as predicted by the Group of 34 international NGOs in Zimbabwe, if not the 1 million % inflation rate predicted by the chief imperialist representative in Zimbabwe, US ambassador Dell. Such a situation creates ripe conditions for massive riots, strikes and revolts from below, which as we saw in apartheid South Africa, Argentina, Madagascar, etc can topple even the most intransigent and brutal of regimes. Already there are growing signs of uneasiness amongst the lower ranks of the army and police. The regime knows this, which is why it has imposed a virtual state of emergence in the main cities and towns.
But that will not be enough. To stop possible mass revolts, the regime will have to neutralize and co-opt its most potentially powerful enemy, organized labour under the leadership of ZCTU from leading general strikes in the next few months, that are likely to be joined by other sections of the urban and rural poor. In the meanwhile the political elites in government and opposition will try and sort out their current differences and problems, including the tricky issue of Mugabe’s succession and unity of MDC, to eventually create an anti-working people and western supported government of national unity accelerating the neoliberal programme already initiated by Gono. This is the real objective of this dangerous social contract, the Mbeki talks between Zanu (PF) and MDC leaders and the activities of the imperialist-funded and controlled Save Zimbabwe Campaign. This is what Mugabe meant when recently offering the opposition leaders bribes of farms and tractors -“Nyaya yekudya inyaya yedu tese, hapana asingararame nekudya. Kana toita politics dzekutunguna tinenge taguta.” (When it comes to eating the national cake, we eat together, and only engage in party politicking and insult one another after we are full).

Way Forward and our Demands
Well now that the capitalists and government have reengaged on their promises, labour must immediately pull out of the social contract and mobilize for action this July, taking a leaf from the unions in South Africa and Nigeria. The general strike must be accompanied by general demonstrations by all sections of the working people and poor.
But to succeed we need a campaign that unites the factory with the township, the growth point and school and college campuses; that unites the workers with the unemployed, housewives, youths, students, vendors, informal traders and combi drivers, peasants, the human rights activists, political party militants and revolutionary socialists and their different organizations and movements, such as those assembled under the Zimbabwe Social Forum. Thus this action cannot be unilaterally run and controlled by the ZCTU leaders alone as in previous stayaways if it is to succeed, but must be a genuine democratic united front with all these movements, including in the formulation of strategies, tactics and demands, even if organized labour remains the leading player.
We must have full scale mobilization through leafleting, posters, labour forums in industry as well as labour – residents forums in the townships and setting up joint labour-activists teams operating in the industries, colleges, and townships. Our demands must be comprehensive and holistic – a Working People’s Charter demanding:
· An immediate statutory national minimum living wage adjustable every fortnight consistent with the rate of inflation and pegged to the bread basket or USA dollar and which is tax free, with employment councils only negotiating top ups;
· Mandatory jail sentences for managers, directors and owners of businesses that unilaterally increase prices of basic goods and services or offload goods on the black market or violate the minimum wages;
· Immediate take-over of businesses and enterprises by workers of enterprises that violate minimum wage provisions or violate price controls or off-load goods on the black market;
· a special levy into a worker controlled fund, on all Stock Exchange listed companies, multinationals, pharmacies and large businesses like retailers like mines, OK and TM to fund our collapsing health, education, transport and peasant agriculture sectors as well as emergency food aid for those in need and the needs of the disabled and those infected and affected AIDS/HIV.
· Immediate stopping of harassment of vendors and informal trade and the right to trade in town centers and other desirable areas;
· The immediate lifting of the de facto state of emergency that the regime has imposed in our cities and towns,; repeal of POSSA and AIPPA;
· A new people-driven democratic and anti-ESAP constitution; free and fair elections under such constitution within six months and trial of those guilty of crimes against humanity and compensation for the victims.

The situation and timing has never been more ripe. The ZCTU leaders and militants today have a historic duty on their shoulders to provide leadership and call for and lead mass action without further delay – Failure to do so, history will judge them very harshly.
Shinga Mushandi Shinga! Penga mushandi ! Another Zimbabwe is Possible! Now is our time!

As economy collapses

As economy collapses …

Imperialists predict regime collapse & Mugabe threatens nationalization
We say … Mass Action now to kick out Regime & Imperialism!!!

Zimbabwe is at cross-roads as the economy rapidly heads for implosion. In June 2007 a Group of 34 International NGOs in Zimbabwe warned of economic collapse within six months. Outgoing US ambassador, “regime change” specialist, C. Dell, went further -
“We are closer to seeing change in Zimbabwe today generated from within than at any time since Independence... The acceleration of the economic collapse signifies an end-game for President Mugabe. The country’s inflation has doubled every month. In February independent analysts revealed that inflation was at 3 000%, while in March it doubled to 6000%. In April it was at 12 000% and currently it’s at 20 000%. By year-end the inflation rate will be at 1.5million percent…world-wide no government has survived presiding over inflation that had hit over seven digit levels.”
This is not mere talk by “imperialists.” In calling for an urgent Social Contract in February 2007, Reserve Bank Governor, G. Gono said the country was facing an unprecedented abyss. In the last two weeks of massive price increases of basic goods, such predicted economic now seems imminent, prompting the government to order the slashing by 50% of prices of all goods and services and impose a prize freeze. At the burial of Brig. General Gunda at the National Heroes Acre on the 27th June, conveniently chosen as it was the day of departure from office of Tony Blair, Mugabe threatened to nationalize all business that flout the price controls and jail the owners:
“Zvatirikuuya nazvo iyezvino tavakuomeserana. Kana to tinha, touya, whether you are bakers, producers, industry or commerce, take note, tinokuteverai. Ende hausi mutambo uchaitwa zvakanaka, it will be a rough game. Tavakusungana, you will be jailed. We will not be defeated by these tactics of regime change of the British …we will seize the mines and companies. We will nationalize them if they continue with these dirty games… we will take all the companies. Tinogona kuritambawo game iroro, ende tichimwisa futi, ne rough iyoyo.”
The question is whether this is just another toothless bark by the Mugabe regime or it means business this time or indeed the end-game has finally arrived for Mugabe?

Mugabe’s two choices
In the February 2003 issue of Socialist Worker we predicted that the main factor that would determine the future of Zimbabwe was the worsening economic crisis and how the main political actors would respond to this. We stated then that whilst Mugabe “was an intelligent and ruthless operative, capable of sophisticated and tactical shifts and the wrong-footing of his opponents, he and Zanu – PF are not immune from the tensions arising from the economic crisis, to which they have no solution.” We stated that the Mugabe regime had two choices: enter into a compromise deal involving a neo-liberal government of national unity of elites in Zanu PF and MDC supported by the West with Mugabe himself retiring or refuse to compromise politically, even as it proceeded with Gono’s neo-liberal programme and increased repression. We warned – that “the deepening of the neo-liberal agenda by a Mugabe government especially without the co-option of the MDC as a junior partner and acquiescence of the west would accelerate the economic crisis to the proportions seen in Argentina at the end of 2001 as local and international capital lay siege on the beleaguered regime…” As it were Mugabe chose the second option, especially with his decision to run again in 2008. And with it the climaxing economic crisis we see today. But does that mean he is finished?

Mugabe not finished
The imperialists have probably spoken too prematurely. Although in a corner the regime can still wiggle out by whipping business into line of complying with its social contract and not raise prices dramatically until elections next year. Mugabe is unlikely to want to nationalize as such given that his government is after all predominantly made up of bosses. But if business resists, as it has immediately done now by taking goods off the shelves, more radical measures are likely to follow. These may include a combination of nationalization, seizing some foreign businesses to give to his cronies under the guise of indigenisation or letting out Zanu PF hordes into selected shops. But Mugabe counts on the fact that business is likely to play ball being afraid of a repeat of the farm invasions and knowledge that he has the necessary two thirds parliament majority to amend the constitution. Given that the capitalists have been profiteering most will be prepared to weather a price control regime until election time rather than lose everything, giving the regime a powerful campaign tool. If Mugabe does not do the above indeed he is finished.
Not that Mugabe is totally averse to some kind of elitist compromise deal, for his retention of the neo-liberal Gono and his doling out of tractors to MDC leaders shows that he too is ready to compromise, but in a deal that leaves him and his party as the senior partners. But should business not co-operate or even should he lose the elections, one cannot discount the possibility of him hanging on to power by force and proceed to nationalize key sectors of the economy and try and survive on the basis of the N. Korean and Cuban models as he today threatens.

Struggle only way forward
So whilst the economic crisis in Zimbabwe is climaxing it is naïve to think it will lead to automatic regime change or election victory in March 2008. As we earlier stated: “It is not all that obvious which way Zimbabwe will go or that the bourgeois elites will have their way. The country is at unprecedented crossroads, a virtual precipice…It is quite possible that if the local elites fail to urgently strike a settlement …including the resolution of the Mugabe succession issue, Zimbabwe could easily go the way of the growing number of neo-colonial failed states, notably Cote D’Ivoire…”
But also equally important is that the present situation is pregnant with another possibility that the Dells, Mugabes and MDCs don’t talk about but is probably the most powerful method of dealing with the crisis: “On the other hand it is also possible that the working class could again, as it did in 1996 – 98, inspire the rest of the working people and sections of the middle classes into massive social and political struggles against the entire neo-colonial and neo-liberal capitalist state as we see happening in the anti-capitalist struggles in Latin America today. But such struggles require that the working class build appropriate organizations to lead the struggle and develop an independent revolutionary socialist class ideology that guides them to victory. Critical to this, is the transformation of trade unions into more democratic, united and accountable organs of workers and the building of a political united democratic front of all progressive sections of the working people, urban and rural, with clear class and ideological lines, unlike the broad church dominated by the bourgeoisie of 1999… The worsening economic situation will continue to trigger small to significant revolts centred around bread and butter issues … The challenge is to generalize and link such different small actions into broader, bigger and specific campaigns supported by all the various forces still ready to fight, whilst also linking these to the struggle for a new democratic and anti-capitalist constitution…In the immediate, the objectives of such struggles would include complete constitutional reform to expand democracy, legal institutions, nationalization of the commanding heights of the economy, land re-distribution and general subordination of private property to society’s needs. A central demand of the movement must be that harmonized elections be done by 2008 but only under a democratic, people driven and anti-ESAP constitution. If the regime rejects this … then the struggle must be shifted to all out mass action – jambanja or civil disobedience …a determined struggle to throw it out as has happened elsewhere. This must be the basis on which co-operation with the opposition parties must be built, but on the basis of an autonomous movement of working people and other radicals, so that when the political parties betray the struggle by entering deals with the dictatorship, as they are likely to, the struggle will continue…”
It would be a huge mistake to surrender leadership of such action to the opposition leadership, for “ … any strategy of fighting the dictatorship based on a movement dominated or controlled by the MDC (like the Save Zimbabwe Campaign) will remain prisoner to the glaring ideological and strategic confusion it has shown since 2000 and is bound to fail... Even if it should engage in some mass action …its primary pre-occupation is towards reaching a sell out settlement with the Zanu PF dictatorship that will not benefit the poor and working people… In other words to quote ZCTU president L. Matombo: ‘our goals are different. We see the product of this process as social revolution. They don’t.”
ISO Zim June 2007