Chris Dillow - “Necessity, choice & legitimation”

Chris Dillow on UK austerity:

For years, Marxists have been accused by their opponents of believing in a crude economic determinism. However, it is not so much Marxists who believe this as our rulers. George Osborne described his Budget yesterday as “unavoidable.”  His stooges have described the measures as “necessary.”
This is bull. The austerity is not necessary or unavoidable. It is the outcome of a choice, a judgment: should we risk damaging economic growth in order to placate the markets, or should we risk a sell-off in gilts to nurture the recovery?  By all means argue that the government has made the right choice. But don’t pretend there wasn’t one.

Employment studies masters at TCD (Dublin, Ireland)

Just got notice that there are some places available on this masters, for details follow the links below

MSc European Employment Studies at Trinity College Dublin

There are a few places left on the MSc European Employment Studies at Trinity College Dublin. 
Applications will be accepted until 31 July 2010. 
For further information including course contents, admission requirements, fees and how to
apply please consult http://www.tcd.ie/ERC/MSC/index.php

“Learning from each other’s struggles” social movements / activist research workshop

We now finally have a programme for the social movements / activist research workshop “Learning from each other’s struggles”, in Maynooth next weekend. There are some real highlights - Ziggy from Kolinko talking about organising call-centre workers as militant research, Dave Landy from the IPSC talking about the inside story of their year, a joint workshop on activists and media with Mimi Doran, Yuvi Basanth and Barra Hamilton, a workshop on the Really Open University with Andre Pusey and Elsa Noterman, and our friends from the Nottingham Centre for the Study of Social and Global Justice doing a workshop on subjectivities and personal politics with a very Latin American flavour, among others.

All the details are here and a PDF of the provisional timetable is here.

Interface 2/1: Crises, social movements and revolutionary transformations

Finally got Interface vol. 2 issue 1 online - feels like the gentle art of zine publishing never died, even though now it’s doing peer-reviewed journals with people around the world and broadband connections rather than a bunch of friends in a room with a Gestetner (I hasten to add that it is the comradely feelings that make the similarity!)

It’s online at http://www.interfacejournal.net.

Meet the new boss, same as the old boss

 

One of the oddest things about moving to England is the fact that the press is so right wing, and Sir Tony O’Reilly is so opportunistic, that the main O’Reilly newspaper is centre left. Anyway their front page today is pretty good.

 

 

Text reads:

 

Inside Parliament: “Legislation will be brought forward to restore freedoms and civil liberties”

Outside Parliament: “Peace Protesters targeted in Westminster: veteran campaigner Brian Haw is arrested”

 

 For those of you who don’t know, Brian Haw is a peace campaigner who has been protesting against the ‘war of terror’ continuouslygdsfg day and night since 2001.

 

 

Spalpeens, Gombeens, Squireens: Class Relations in Nineteenth Century Ireland.

 

The following conference at NUI Maynooth looks interesting:

Spalpeens, Gombeens, Squireens: Class Relations in Nineteenth Century Ireland.

A one day interdisciplinary conference aiming to bring together researchers whose work offers an insight into the lives of ordinary people in nineteenth century Ireland. The particular focus is on class as those lives were bound up with production, domination, exploitation and conflict.

Given the relatively sparsely documented nature of this topic and the consequent challenges to research, employing the different approaches represented by different disciplines can be of great utility in giving us a fuller picture. In addition political/elite history is still the predominate focus of research on the Irish past, but a comprehensive understanding is only possible with a commensurate orientation towards the mass of the population. It is intended that the conference will attract the participation of people from different fields including post-medieval archaeology, historical geography, historical sociology, social history, and economic history (and others are welcome).

The conference will take place in N.U.I. Maynooth on Saturday the 31st of July 2010.

Further information from Eoin O’Flaherty and Terry Dunne at classconferencenuim@gmail.com:

There may be a nominal registration fee (e.g. approx. €20) – further details to be confirmed, we would appreciate it if people planning on attending but not presenting also notify us by Monday the 21st of June at classconferencenuim@gmail.com

Croke Park Deal: How the unions are voting

Below are some charts indicating how the vote in the Croke Park deal is going. I’ll update them as the votes come in.

(If you want to see a bigger version, click on them, that will bring you to a flickr page, and then click on the small “all sizes” button on the top to open the full version.)


Created with Admarket’s flickrSLiDR.

What’s in an hour


A friend of mine used to work for Microsoft in Denmark. She was offered the opportunity to re-locate to the mothership in Seattle. While the challenge of a change was tempting, the miserable annual leave on offer in the US was not. In Denmark, there is a legal requirement for companies to give Danish workers five weeks leave a year. In the US there are no legal obligations for employers to offer any holidays, though most offer somewhere between 10 and 20 days. Unsurprisingly she turned the job down.

 

In terms of working hours, the Scandinavian countries are often held up as a positive example of how things could be, so it’s interesting to note that an effect of the banking crisis has been an attempt, in many countries, to row back on working time gains.  In Ireland, it is the neo-liberal ruling party, Fianna Fáil, which is proposing an increase in working hours. One of the conditions of the “Transformation Agenda” is that for teachers and lecturers work an extra hour a week. Whilst in Denmark, an even further-reaching policy is being proposed by the social democratic opposition party. The Social Democrats and Socialist People’s Party (SF) have included in their manifesto a plan to increase working hours accross the public sector from 37 hours to 38.

The Danish Confederation of Trade Unions is unhappy with the proposal. Thorkild E. Jensen, the president of trade union Danish Metal, said “I can’t envision that we’ll go along with increasing the working week by an hour for all employees.’ He could be right: According to Statistics Denmark’s ‘Workforce Survey 2009’, only 6 percent of the population is in favour of working more, while 14 percent are ready to work fewer hours. The remaining 80 percent are satisfied with the current 37 hour working week.

In contrast in Ireland, the leadership of many of the public sector unions supported the proposed extra hours. Perhaps in these two different trade union responses, we can understand why it is the Danish have their five-weeks of paid holidays a year

Life after partnership

As it becomes clear not only that “partnership” is being abolished from above across what the Irish state sees as different “sectors” - unions, community organising, women’s groups, LGBTQ activism, disability rights, environmentalism, development / solidarity work etc. etc. but also that we are heading into an assault on social movements the like of which we have not seen in some time, plans are starting to be formulated for an activist summer school asking who “we” are, what the situation is, and what we can do about it.

If anyone wants to know more, please email me at <laurence.cox AT nuim.ie>; some background in this talk to the Egalitarian World Initiative / UCD Social Justice conference “Equality in a time of crisis”, entitled “Another world is under construction? Social movement responses to inequality and crisis” and hosted by the kind people at Irish Left Review.

who votes for the BNP?

Another Article by me written for The Commune newspaper. Cut and pasted below

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The standard media portrayal of a BNP voter is of a poor, unskilled to semi-skilled white worker, who used to vote Labour, is worried about rising crime, unemployment and the rise in immigration. But is this really who votes BNP? Two recent studies suggest otherwise.

According to the BNP itself, the primary reason for its growing support is that the political elite is out of touch with working class people’s real concerns about immigration. A report by the Institute for Public Policy Research published last month finds little evidence for this. Indeed the report finds that higher immigration lowers the vote for the BNP. Likewise, the higher the number of non-white people in an area, the less likely people were to vote BNP. (The one and only exception to this was in Barking and Dagenham.) Intuitively, we can understand why this is the case. The more interaction people have with migrant groups the less concerned about immigration they are.

Another finding of the study was that crime and unemployment seemed to have little to no effect on support for the BNP, and what little evidence there was suggested that higher crime rates and higher unemployment led to lower BNP votes.

A slightly older study, ‘The BNP: The roots of its appeal’ (2006), by researchers in the University of Essex looked at BNP support in the 2004 European elections. They interviewed people coming out of poling stations and found that ‘it is the lower middle classes [sic], C1s and C2s, who vote for the far right’. After this the next largest BNP voter demographic was the unskilled/manual working class. Very little support came from either the professional and managerial demographics. Most interestingly however, was that very little support came from the poorest demographic.

The same study also found that although the BNP was pulling support from all three parties, but the main voter swing was from the Conservatives and not Labour.

So if most of the simple reasons for BNP support have been dispelled, why are people voting BNP? The IPPR says “socioeconomic and political exclusion are the major factors at work.” Not surprisingly, the IPPR find that where less people think ‘that their area is one where people from different backgrounds get along’ they higher the BNP vote. They also find that areas with lower voter turnout show more BNP support. This finding is also supported by the ‘The BNP: The roots of its appeal’ report.

While some anarchists, such as this author, might occasionally like to think that declining voter turnout suggests that people are abandoning representative democracy and are about to stand up for themselves through direct action and self organisation, this need not be the case. Rather, declining voter turnout means little more than that people feel alienated, separated and unrepresented by mainstream party politics. There is no reason why people’s experience of political exclusion should result in a revolutionary rather than a reactionary response.

Another strong finding of both reports is that the lower the average level of qualifications in an area, the higher the BNP vote. The standard reaction to this might be “ah people vote BNP because they aren’t educated”, and then draw the conclusion that the task of the left should then be to ‘educate’ BNP voters about how bad the BNP is.

The Essex report seems to tend in this direction. However, it is extremely unclear to me how an A level in Maths or a BSc in Engineering could make anyone less racist. The IPPR report gives a much clearer explanation of how and why people’s level of qualifications matter. They point out that “people with higher qualifications have more options in the increasingly open, flexible and knowledge-based economy that we live in. While finding employment per se may not be central (as indicated by the finding that employment levels do not affect votes for the BNP), the quality of work people can access may be critical. Where people have lower levels of qualifications they seem increasingly likely to struggle to find good quality work that pays a living wage, which could make them feel excluded and vulnerable.”

In sum the IPPR finds that “the evidence points to political and socio-economic exclusion as drivers of BNP support. In particular, areas with low average levels of qualifications (which can mean people struggle in today’s flexible, knowledge-based economy), low levels of social cohesion, and low levels of voter turnout (indicating political disenchantment) are the ones that show more BNP support.”