People Power and Unarmed Resistance (New book)

Stellan Vinthagen November 15th, 2009

“People Power - Unarmed Reistance and Global Solidarity”: A book by activists and researchers edited by Howard Clark

Transnational solidarity can be crucial for movements of nonviolent struggle – in helping them emerge, in accessing contacts and resources, and in applying leverage on a regime or corporation. However, some “transnational advocacy networks” have been criticised for “taking over” from local organisers and ultimately having a disempowering impact. The starting point of this book is that the prime role for transnational solidarity is to strengthen the counter-power of those resisting domination and oppression.

  • Analyses from Serbia, Burma, Zimbabwe, Colombia, India and Palestine
  • Experiences from the work of Peace Brigades International, Nonviolent Peaceforce, Balkan Peace Team, International Solidarity Movement, International Women’s Peace Service, Ecumenical Accompaniers for Peace in Palestine and Israel, Voices in the Wilderness
  • Accounts of solidarity networks such as Women in Black, with Turkish war resisters, diaspora groups, Lesbian Gay Bisexual and Transexual groups in Africa, and the World Social Forum
  • Debate on the criticisms of external funding and training in the “colour revolutions”

Published by Pluto Press (London) - US distribution by Palgrave Macmillan.

On sale online at the War Resisters’ International web shop

Students occupy their universities in Europe

Stellan Vinthagen November 15th, 2009

There is an ongoing wave of student occupations and protest for a free and better university education, and against privatization policies at several European universities, mainly in Germany and Austria. (Not in France yet …).

The occupations started at Vienna University the 22 Oct, and has since then spread throughout Austria, and to other countries. See some reports at sites like these: site 1, site 2. It is interesting to note that the occupations are not mentioned as far as I can find in New York Times or BBC …

Last time we did see a wave of student occupations were in connection to the Gaza massacre in January, and then that happend mainly in the UK.

Historically radical student activism has played an important role in the creation of broader social movements, e.g. in the 1968 world rebellion.

There is a map of presently occupied universities, occupations that the police brooken up and other forms of protests by students. See here.

Nonviolent Livelihood Struggle and Global Militarism: Links & Strategies

jj October 26th, 2009

International Conference, Ahmedabad, India, 22 - 25 of January 2010
Symbol

There is an inescapable link between the globalisation-induced displacement, dis-employment and dispossession that are results of internal wars and ravage local, traditional and indigenous natural-resource based communities everywhere. There is a linkage between these and the monstrous international wars - whether they are fought in Afghanistan, Iraq, Congo or Somalia. The biggest challenge therefore is to build alliances that are local and global at the same time, and those that not only resist injustice but also present alternatives.

Medha Patkar

War Resisters’ International is cooperating with Indian partner organisations for an international conference investigating the links between local nonviolent livelihood struggles and global militarism, including war profiteering. This participatory conference will bring together campaigners from all over the world to analyse the role of states and multinational corporations in depriving local communities of their sources of livelihood, and learning from the experience of nonviolent resistance at various levels - from the community to the global - and at various phases, from preventing displacement to planning for return.

More info here.

Registration here.

Women’s Resistance to Maguiladoras in Mexico

Stellan Vinthagen October 12th, 2009

Report from the first Resistance Studies Seminar of this semester:
A City of Cheap Labor

Associate Prof Edmé Domínguez R from Latin American Studies, School of Global studies, University of Gothenburg told about the “Maguiladora”, something she is making research on, looking on the mobilization/labour organizing of women at these places, and their resistance.

Quoted from Wikipedia: “A maquiladora or maquila is a factory that imports materials and equipment on a duty-free and tariff-free basis for assembly or manufacturing and then re-exports the assembled product, usually back to the originating country. A maquila is also referred to as a “twin plant”, or “in-bond” industry. Currently about 1.1 million Mexicans are employed in maquiladoras.”

The maquiladoras have become the model of modernization and globalization in Mexico. These kinds of factories (sometimes called “sweatshops”) exists as well in rich countries, e.g. in the US (in e.g. Texas).
We saw an extract of about 50 min from the documentary /Maquilapolis/: http://www.maquilapolis.com/
The work at a Maquiladora is unhealthy, stressful and exploitative. The salary is very low (ca 11 USD a day) and don’t cover basic needs, but gives a chance to live for those otherwise without jobs. Environmental problems are found in the areas of Maquiladoras bacause of pollution. Most unions are “ghost unions”, loyal to the corporations and existing only on paper. Those organizing their own unions are fired. Workers try with law-suits against coporations because of health damages they receive but the compensations are very low. But the workers are getting more organized in self-help groups and trade-unions doing demonstrations. Today many factories move to Asia, trying to find even lower paid workers, leaving polluted environments, empty factories and dangerous waste. But the women organize agreements with different agencies in Mexico and the US to clean the area of Tijuana.
Discussion:

The resistance that work is the labour carried out by women’s NGOs supported by  transnational cooperation with other labor groups and women’s movements. That is what gives attention to their conditions. The women try to make the corporations accountable for what they do. The only possible strategy to stop the out-sourcing and to get higher labor standards is transnational organization of labor.  This film made by the women themselves is an example of such a resistence and transnational support.Most resistance is done in micro scale, by small groups and individuals. There is a lack of lobor organization on a wider scale.

A major problem is that the corporations move when they find cheapter labor or after a successful mobilization of labor. Independent trade-unions are the most difficult thing to organize and the greatest fear of the corporations, thus they are forbidden. Women’s groups and NGOS do their labour of resistance in the neighbourhood where the workers live since they are forbidden at the work-place. Promotoras or activists of these groups gather these women ot give them information on their rights. They organize also some workshops on both women’s  and labour rights. They educate themselves, get help from lawyers, environmental experts, etc. It is difficult to organize their own community based jobs and support since bank loans are not possible for them.

Although cooperative “maquiladoras” exist they are totally dependent on international solidarity.  resistance takes also form of environmental groups to fight the huge environmental problems since  the governments  don’t care  as we are talking about health problems among very poor communities. But when there is international support and attention there can be something done. International consumer boycotts are helpful but difficult against huge transnationals. The US organization Students against Sweatshops are focusing on textile production and their support is more visible in maquiladoras in the South of Mexico and Central America than in the Mexican Northern border.. More ambitious kind of transtional labor organizations are needed. Many of the women are negative to trade-unions since they have bad experiences of extremely patriarchial and organized from above.

Clashes as Israel shuts off al-Aqsa

jj October 4th, 2009

Al Jazeera reports that the tension in Jerusalem is growing.

IOF against a sit-in

Israeli security forces have closed off the al-Aqsa mosque compound in Jersualem as more than 200 Palestinians stage a sit-in at the site.

Sporadic clashes broke out on Sunday as military and police checkpoints were set up around the site, known as the Haram al-Sharif to Muslims and the Temple Mount to Jews.

At least seven people were wounded and seven arrested as clashes broke out at the Lion’s Gate entrance to the Old City of Jerusalem.

Al Jazeera’s Sherine Tadros, reporting from Jerusalem, said that the mosque was being protected by worshippers who wanted to stop Jewish hardliners from entering the compound.
“They are very keen that what happened in Hebron, where hardliners did in fact storm and take over a mosque there, doesn’t happen here in this very holy site,” she said.

She said that there was a lot of tension in the city because of the standoff.

“It could, of course, boil over if we hear of clashes between the police and those at the sit-in at the al-Aqsa compound,” she said.

Palestinian officials told Al Jazeera that Muslim worshippers entered the mosque late on Saturday to prevent a repeat of last Sunday’s clashes in the area.

In that incident, at least 13 Palestinians were injured and seven detained when fighting broke when Israeli Jews apparently attempted to enter the mosque.

Police fired tear gas and stun grenades at hundreds of Palestinians, while stones, chairs and other objects were reportedly thrown.

Israeli version

Describing the latest clashes, Shmuel Ben-Ruby, the Israeli police spokesman for Jerusalem, said that about 150 demonstrators were dispersed from one area near the al-Aqsa compound on Sunday, but unrest was continuing in nearby East Jerusalem.

He said some had thrown bottles and rocks.

Micky Rosenfeld, another Israeli police spokesman, confirmed that the compound had been “shut to visitors” this week.

He said that Israeli authorities had also detained Khatem Abdel Khader, an adviser to the Palestinian prime minister on Jerusalem affairs, on suspicion he was trying to incite protests at the site.

Israeli security forces have said that the restrictions will stay in place until the Palestinian protesters turn themselves to authorities.

Israel captured and annexed the Old City with its holy sites, along with the rest of Arab East Jerusalem and the West Bank, in the war of 1967.

100 YEARS OF PALESTINIAN MUSIC.

Stig-Magnus Thorsen October 1st, 2009

EXPRESSION, REPRESENTATION, AND RESISTANCE

Research on Music in Palestine

With a long starting run, an academic partnership is now established between Birzeit University (Palestine) and Gothenburg University (Sweden). Hands are shaken, and the first plans are agreed upon. The first aim is to write up an anthology on the subject to be published in 2012. To that end a first symposium will be held in Jordan February 19-21, 2010.

The project will not only run with the two basically involved institutions, but also with an international network of scholars from other countries that are already working in the field of study. Interested researchers are welcome to contact me <stig-magnus.thorsen@gu.se>. Either you just want to follow the project or take part in writing an essay for the anthology. Below follows ideas running through the project. One of these is Cultural Resistance, becoming more and more relevant in resistance studies.

What has music meant to people in Palestinian society during the 20th century?
Palestinian music draws from a long tradition where both domestic and international musical practices have made up a specific blend of influences. The mixture is a genuine part of the Palestinian identity. It mirrors also the historical and societal changes that have occurred during the 20th century. The three aspects at core are: expression, representation and resistance. The concepts point at the relation between music and political conditions that are put at Palestinian art and by the Palestinian strive for identity.

The musical expression will be studied starting with an overview of genres. In focus is the relation between text and music as well as the function of music in society. The Palestinian music also represents various cultures and nations, partly emanating from musical traditions (Oriental, Arab, Syrian, Ottoman etc.), partly from the global arena (Westerns classical music, popular music, Hip-Hop). Palestinian music also functions as a resistance towards occupation and humiliation, and as a parallel internal fight against victimising attitudes in order to edification.

The Palestinian political situation, remains one of the world’s major concerns, and has been at the centre of global debate for at least the last 100 years. Palestine has been the most important political issue in the Arab world, a case that has influenced the Arab standpoint, not only towards Israel but also towards the entire world. Understanding the Palestinian issue, therefore, is a major step towards understanding the issues that stimulate many commonly held attitudes in the Arab world.

Palestinian society and culture remains relatively obscure outside the Arab world. On the one hand, this is partly due to lack of objective research investigating this culture, and on the other hand internal and external changes have shaped contemporary Palestinian identity and culture. Understanding the complexity of the Palestinian situation existing today must include knowing and defining the Palestinian culture, where music plays a highly significant role, in all its socio-political contexts.

Research up to now on Palestinian music have mainly looked at folk music and the wedding rituals. There are some few biographies of some classical musicians from the early 20th century. Recently some scholars have invested the songs of the recent intifadas and the Hip-Hop stage. To some extent the Palestinians in Diaspora have been looked upon from concepts such as homeliness and identity.

Stig-Magnus Thorsén

The Resistance of the Monks in Burma

jj September 28th, 2009

After the Burmese military government’s brutal crackdown on Buddhist monks and other peaceful protestors in September 2007, the constant refrain was, “What happened to the monks?” The report “The Resistance of the Monks” attempts to answer that question within the context of the long history of political activism of the Sangha, the Buddhist monkhood, in Burma. It tells the story of many monks who were arrested, threatened, beaten, and imprisoned. It is a sad and disturbing story, but one that exemplifies the harsh rule of Burma’s military government as it clings to power through violence, fear, and repression.

The report provides an overview of the history of Buddhist activism in Burma since colonial times, the role of monks in the 1962 and 1974 anti-government demonstrations and the 1988 nationwide uprising. It looks at the key role monks played in the 2007 demonstrations, and in coordinating relief services in Burma following Cyclone Nargis in 2008.

Utilizing dozens of interviews with Buddhist monks inside Burma, Thailand, Sri Lanka and in exile in the West, The Resistance of the Monks tells the story of the pivotal role played by monks as social mediators, as an important social safety net for Burmese people as poverty has grown under military rule, and as a key barometer of basic freedoms in Burmese society ahead of scheduled elections in 2010. You can download the full report here.

5th Semester of the Resistance Studies Seminar in Gothenburg (Oct-Dec)

Stellan Vinthagen September 20th, 2009

The Resistance Studies Seminar is a meeting point for researchers, students and activists interested in critical resistance studies. All seminars are open for interested participants. The seminars are normally in English but sometimes in Swedish; see the language of the title for each occasion.

Resistance studies is a new research field which deals with all forms of “resistance” to power and which critically discusses different theories, methods, strategies and actors of resistance. The seminar tries to understand the relationships between power, resistance and social change, in different contexts and historical periods.

Normally the seminars happen at Thursday’s between15.15-17.00 (at odd weeks) at the Annedalsseminariet, room 403, Seminariegatan 1A, close to Linnéplatsen (see description how to find at www.globalstudies.gu.se). After the seminars (17.00-) we have an informal post-seminar at the restaurant Gyllene Prag (Sveag. 25) and eat some food and continue the discussion with some drinks.

If you are interested to present during the next session (the 6 semester) in Jan-June 2010, or if you know persons that should be invited to present, or if you have interesting articles/texts that could form a base for a seminar; feel welcome to take contact with the new seminar organizer; Per Ström; per.strom @ yahoo.se (type email without spaces).

Seminar program:

8 Oct Edmé Domingues, PhD, Associate Professor, Latin American Studies, School of Global Studies, Gothenburg University. On Maquiladoras and workers resistance: The Movie Maquilapolis: Maquilapolis is a film realized by women workers from maquiladoras in the border town of Tijuana, Mexico. It is a documentary where these women tell us their life stories, their work experience in these foreign owned assembly factories where neither worker rights nor respect for ecology are taken into account. But it is not only a denouncing document it is also an account of their struggles, of their resistance to this kind of jobs and life and of their dreams of change. (Seminar is in English) Room 403.

5 Nov Hanna Wikström, FD, lektor vid instutionen för Socialt arbete, Göteborgs Universitet. Om socialt arbete, motstånd och dekonstruktion. Socialt arbete i Sverige befinner sig i ett ambivalent tillstånd, dels i skuggan av ett auktoritärt psykoanalytiskt tänkande, social ingenjörskonst och tanken på den goda hjälparen, dels alltid med empowerment och hjälp till självhjälp som mål. Denna ambivalens rör också frågan om klienters motstånd och är förankrad i det sociala arbetets utbildningsinstitutioner och praktik. När mer och mindre radikala konstruktionistiska teoribildningar relativt öppenhjärtigt omfamnats inom mer teoretiskt orienterade ämnesområden möts de med stor oförståelse inom det sociala fältet med argument som att människors levda vardag och det sociala arbetets praktik inte kan ”passas in” i dessa som man ser som teoretiska luftslott. Hur tar sig då socialarbetarvardagen uttryck? Och hur skulle ett affirmativt socialt arbete baserat på dekonstruktion kunna se ut? Frågan kan också formuleras: hur lever vi postteori i och genom handling i vardagen? Underlaget för seminariet utgörs av ett första utkast till en projektansökan på temat dekonstruktivt socialt arbete. Hanna Wikströms forskningsintressen är makt och sociala möjlighetsvillkor utifrån kön, ras och klass: (Seminar is in Swedish) Rum 403.

19 Nov Khaled Ahmad, är fredsaktivist och har studerat historia. Om motståndet mot ockupationen i Irak. Ockupationen av Irak är vida känd som ett av de mest obskyra brott mot internationell lag som gjorts under senare år. Dessvärre känner få till det irakiska folkets motstånd mot denna ockupation. Det etablerade massmedia har inte varit saklig i sin framställning av det irakiska motståndet. Seminariet kommer i stora drag att analysera motståndets roll i att bekämpa ockupationen och försvara landet. (Seminar is in Swedish) Rum 403.

3 Dec Lisa Westberg, minister in the Swedish Church, Teol. Mag. (2007), and Bach. of Fine Arts - International Politics and Global Ethics (1994); Hatha Yoga Cert. Teacher and community gardener. On faith, prayer and resistance. How may prayer and spiritual practice contribute to acts of resistance? Also exploring what role faith has in the context and culture of resistance? With examples from several faith traditions such as Hindu, Christian, Native American and Pagan, primarily in Swedish and American settings. (Seminar is in English) Room 403.

17 Dec Jonas Olsson, psychologist. On psychology and resistance. This seminar explores some of the connections between psychology and resistance. Psychological research on activism – varieties, results, possible implications. Also discusses the idea of viewing some forms of psychopathology as resistance, drawing mainly on Foucault and narrative psychology. (Seminar is in English) Room 403.

Resistance Studies Reader 2008 out now!

Christopher Kullenberg September 9th, 2009

The Resistance Studies Reader 2008 (C. Kullenberg & J. Lehne, eds) is now out in print. It contains all published articles during the journal’s first year, and is a must-read for everyone interested in getting an overview of the vibrant field of resistance studies.

The book is sold at a non-profit price of 8,49 Euros + shipping, and is available globally. Order here. Also, you are free to download and copy the book for non-commercial purposes, which is great for reading groups and educational events.

The editorial team would like to thank all contributors, and John Petersson for the cover artwork.

See also: Rsmag.org

Art as Resistance

Stellan Vinthagen September 7th, 2009

Dahr Jamail writes in Truthout:
“Throughout history, culture and art have always been the celebration of freedom under oppression.”
- Author unknown

Soldiers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan have tough truths to tell, and it has been well demonstrated that the establishment media does not want to broadcast these. Given the lack of an outlet for anti-war voices in the corporate media, many contemporary veterans and active-duty soldiers have embraced the arts as a tool for resistance, communication and healing. They have made use of a wide range of visual and performing arts - through theater, poetry, painting, writing, and other creative expression - to affirm their own opposition to the occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq.”

See more at Truthout.

Music politicised à la Barenboim resisted by Palestinians.

Stig-Magnus Thorsen August 20th, 2009

Friday August 7, Daniel Barenboim conducted a concert in Geneva (AP 08/08/09). The concert was dedicated to the pianist and scholar Edward Said and was meant to support the choice of Jerusalem as an Arab Cultural Capital. Barenboim and Said 1999 initiated the performing orchestra (West-Eastern Divan Orchestra) as a space for bringing Palestinian (Arab) and Israeli musicians together. The aim of the “Divan” is – according to Barenboim – to promote understanding between Israelis and Palestinians and pave the way for a peaceful and fair solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict.The art project has gained enormous enthusiasm in the West as steps toward peace and hopefully an end of the conflict. However, the initiative and progress of the Divan Orchestra is contested and resisted among many Palestinians, who see the project as tokenism. Instead, they would benefit from clear standpoints and real actions aiming at freedom. Now, Barenboims view on political issues contrast his suggested musical steps towards peace. This is proclaimed from many organisations e.g. The Palestinian writers and Artist union.The Palestinians – after their return to Palestine – often gain a repute of having ”slept with the enemy”. It’s also obvious that the cultural heritage from the Arab side is let down as Western music almost totally dominates the repertoire. Cultural curiosity and empathy towards Arabic Culture are obviously not comfortable on the divan. Thus the Divan is seen rather as an obstacle in the fight for equality and freedom.If music is to create a dialogue or act as a resistance (e.g. towards the ongoing war and occupation), both parties must agree on basic rationales and goals. In this case it is quite obvious that the target is not shared, rather great disharmony command as in wartime. Israelis often aim their dehumanising attacks toward cultural centres in Palestine. They deliberately hold all kinds of musicians at check points until times for scheduled performances are over on the West Bank.East Jerusalem suggested as Cultural Capital is controversial. Even if Barenboim says that “West Jerusalem is the capital of Israel and East Jerusalem will inevitably be the Palestinian capital”, and the Israeli violinist Shira Epstein asserts that the experience of a multi-background ensemble has helped her develop her own ideas about her Middle Eastern neighbours, we can question these opinions as hampering Israelis evicting Palestinians from East Jerusalem?No, the project does not solve anything, but gives honour to Barenboim. He has – after Said’s passing away in 2003 – run the Divan and by that been glorified by all who believe that problems can be solved with music only. However, art can only pretend and give images of solutions. It is in this case more likely that the mobilising effect of music will appeal to separating groups: peace-loving Westerners, Israelis with a mono-ethnic and mono-religious state in sight, and Palestinians who strives for freedom instead of a peace that normalises the present distribution of land. The facade of the music disguises that the factual conflict remains. Barenboim has at the same time become precious as canvassing a well-behaving Israel.Stig-Magnus Thorsén

Are “Flash mobs” potentially political?

Stellan Vinthagen July 11th, 2009

During some time “flash mobs” have been used among youth. Through often internet-based communication a group agrees on doing something in a public space at a given time, and then disappear. 100 people walking among others on a city-centre square will all at the same time suddenly roll around on the ground, stand up, and continue to walk. Or at a train station, 100s of individuals freeze in the position they are at a given moment, stay frozen, then after some signal, start moving again. During the last week, at several places in the world, lots of people suddenly started to dance to Michael Jackson’s “Beat it” in a tribute to the dead pop icon.

Is flash mobs a youth prank, a mob behavior, entertainment, or something else? Could it develop into something more political? It does indeed show the potential of acting in concert, in a dramatic way. A book that tries to understand these activities in a more political sense is the “Smart mobs: The next social revolution” by Rheingold, se the website Smart mobs.

To see an example, see the video on the flash mob at Grand Central, NYC. For more information, see  the Wikipedia text.

Free Gaza Movement’s Ship Threatened by Israeli Navy

Stellan Vinthagen June 30th, 2009

The humanitarian Free Gaza ship “Spirit of Humanity” is trying to give aid to the people in Gaza. The passengers are internationals who are concerned about the politically created humanitarian crisis in Gaza and the continuing blockade by Israel which hinders aid to come through.The idea of Free Gaza is to (1) bring humanitarian aid by people-to-people assistance, (2) show international solidarity, and (3) make peaceful resistance to the illegal blockade.

This is the 8th ship to sail to Gaza. The last one in December was violently stopped by the Israeli Navy.

They are right now being threatened by violence from the Israeli Navy, despite being unarmed, sailing in international waters and being protected by international law. Show your concern and protest to Israel. Follow the drama almost in real time at http://www.freegaza.org/.

I think this type of resistance is also interesting in a theoretical sense. It combines humanitarian assistance with nonviolent resistance in a way that merit it to be called a form of “constructive resistance”.

Iran and the need for nuanced views

jj June 25th, 2009

Steve Weissman is one of a few that has written very good comments on the discussion on Iran, US governmental involvment, the effect of NV, hidden agendas, and the problem with simplified answers. Ackerman is one of those who for many years now have financed research, training and dissemination of NV means. In an article in IHT from January Ackerkman and Ahmadi presented their views and predictions. Weissman commenting on that one is helping us with a more nuanced view of these important but difficult questions.

Read and enjoy.

Iran: Non-Violence 101

by Steve Weissman,
t r u t h o u t | Perspective

Peter Ackerman and Ramin Ahmadi called the revolution on January 4, 2006, in an article in the International Herald Tribune with the prophetic title “Iran’s Future? Watch the Streets.”

“Against all odds, nonviolent tactics such as protests and strikes have gradually become common in Iran’s domestic political scene,” they wrote. “Student activists have frequently resorted to, and the violent response of the regime and repeated attacks of the paramilitaries have not succeeded in silencing them.”

Iran’s medical professionals, teachers, workers, bus drivers and women were also using non-violent tactics such as protests, industrial action, and hunger strikes in their fight for equal rights and civil liberties, the authors reported.

These “uncoordinated actions” had created “a grass-roots movement … waiting to be roused,” urged Ackerman and Ahmadi. But, “its cadres so far lack a clear strategic vision and steady leadership.”

Where would the Iranians find this vision and leadership?

“Nongovernmental organizations around the world should expand their efforts to assist Iranian civil society, women’s groups, unions and journalists,” the authors wrote. But, they left out a salient fact. In a chilling mix of Mahatma Gandhi and James Bond, Ackerman and Ahmadi themselves were already working with the United States government to engineer regime change in Iran.

A Wall Street whiz kid who made his fortune in leveraged buy-outs, the billionaire Ackerman was - and is - chair of Freedom House, a hot-bed of neo-con support for American intervention just about everywhere. In this pursuit, he has promoted the use of non-violent civil disobedience in American-backed “color revolutions” from Serbia to the Ukraine, Georgia, and Venezuela, where it failed.

Ahmadi teaches medicine at Yale and co-founded the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, using initial grants of $1.6 million in 2004 from the US Department of State, according to The New York Times. Washington reportedly continued its open-handed support in succeeding years, allowing the center to publicize the abuses of the Ayatollahs in English and Farsi.

Ahmadi and the center also ran regular workshops for Iranians on non-violent civil disobedience. These were in Dubai, across the straits from Iran. Some of the sessions operated under the name Iranian Center for Applied Nonviolence and included a session on popular revolts around the world, especially the “color revolutions.”

According to The Times, at least two members of the Serbian youth movement Otpor participated, as did the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict, which Peter Ackerman founded and chaired. The sessions taught the Iranian participants how to use Hushmail, an encrypted e-mail account, and Martus software to upload information about human rights abuses without leaving any trace on the originating computer.

“We were certain that we would have trouble once we went back to Tehran,” said one of the Iranians. “This was like a James Bond camp for revolutionaries.”

No one should question the value of non-violent civil disobedience for those who would bring down an unpopular government. Nor does the American training deny the very real grievances felt by the millions of Iranians who have taken to the streets - or by the lesser numbers of middle-class women who banged pots and pans as part of earlier CIA destabilization programs in Brazil and Chile. Even more important, no one should doubt the courage and commitment of anyone who would stand up against the Ayatollahs and their repressive state power.

But the presence of American involvement adds several dynamics of its own, which Ackerman and Ahmadi failed to explain to their Iranian trainees.

First, the Americans decide where to put their efforts - and when to stop them. Washington does not fund or provide training and technology for non-violent revolutions against regimes it backs, as in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Israel or Colombia.

Second, the American meddling makes it easier for the Ayatollahs to build support within their own ranks and among a large majority of the population for whatever repressive measures they finally decide to take.

Third, the non-violent participants know nothing of other moves that the dark side of the American government might be making at the same time, whether staging acts of provocation, or supporting terrorist activities by breakaway groups such as the Baluchi Jundallah. Nor do the vast majority of participants know that American intelligence regularly uses training sessions of all kinds to recruit individual agents.

Fourth, the Iranian activists want to win. At least some in the America government might prefer to provoke a brutal defeat, a Tiananmen Square, to further isolate Iran and bring pressure within the Obama administration for a military response to the Iranian nuclear program.

Fifth, non-violent tactics and organizational discipline offer ways to win the support of soldiers and police officers, isolate would-be provocateurs, and avoid giving the government any easy excuse to bang heads and kill people. The same techniques also give the organizers ways to turn off the protest, as appears to have happened during the Orange Revolution in Ukraine.

One other dynamic has more lasting effects. During the Cold War, the CIA funded and manipulated a number of liberal and social democratic intellectuals, labor unions, civil society groups and publications. The CIA-run Congress for Cultural Freedom and its vast network were perhaps the best known. When journalists at Ramparts and elsewhere exposed the CIA’s hand, many of these individuals and groups became discredited for having allowed Cold Warriors and dirty tricksters to use them.

Washington’s promotion of non-violent resistance in other countries is already casting suspicion on a number of activists and thinkers who, wittingly or not, have allowed themselves to become pawns in open - and covert - programs to “promote democracy.” Non-violent activists everywhere need to draw a clear line against cooperating with governments of any stripe in this foreign meddling.

*************

A veteran of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement and the New Left monthly Ramparts, Steve Weissman lived for many years in London, working as a magazine writer and television producer. He now lives and works in France.

The Iranian Uprising is Home Grown, and Must Stay That Way

Stellan Vinthagen June 23rd, 2009

This article was Published on Friday, June 19, 2009 by CommonDreams.org and written by the California Professor and well-recognized Middle-East expert Stephen Zunes

It is a very interesting article and I have re-posted the beginning of the article below, but if you want to read the whole article you find it on CommonDreams: article link.

THE BEGINNING OF THE ARTICLE BY Prof. Zunes:

The growing nonviolent insurrection in Iran against the efforts by the ruling clerics to return the ultra-conservative and increasingly autocratic incumbent president Mahmoud Ahmadinjead to power is growing.  Whatever the outcome, it represents an exciting and massive outpouring of Iranian civil society for a more open and pluralistic society.

Ironically, defenders of Ahmadinejad’s repression are trying to blame everyone from the U.S. government to nonviolent theorist Gene Sharp to various small NGOs engaged in educational efforts on strategic nonviolent action as somehow being responsible for the popular uprising in Iran.  It appears to be based upon the rather bizarre assumption that millions of Iranians would somehow be willing to pour out onto the streets in the face of violent repression by state security forces only because they have been directed to do so by people from an imperialist power which overthrew their last democratic government and subsequently propped up the tyrannical regime they installed in its place for the next quarter century.

Even putting aside the bizarre spectacle of self-proclaimed “leftists” coming to the defense of a right-wing fundamentalist autocratic like Ahmadinejad, this claim ignores several key factors:

1) Neo-conservatives and other American hawks were hoping for a victory by the hard-line incumbent to justify their opposition to President Barack Obama’s tentative steps at rapprochement with the Islamic Republic.

2) Opposition candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi and the vast majority of his supporters are strongly nationalist, anti-American, anti-imperialist, and would neither desire nor accept U.S. support.

3) There has been a longstanding Iranian tradition of such largely nonviolent civil insurrections against imperialist powers and autocratic rulers and no outside power is needed to convince the Iranian people to rebel.

On Solidarity and Resistance and Iran

Magid Shihade June 20th, 2009

A Pakistani blogger claims that some Israeli  “activists” have been participating in the Twitter messaging campaign during the elections and events afterward in Iran.  Whether that is the case is to be verified later. What we can verify is that the U.S. government requested from Twitter to postpone their scheduled maintenance of the site so that those who are using it in the election campaign in Iran continue to do so (as reported in many U.S. media outlets including CNN). On a side note, it is not strange that the oil prices remained the same, and even went down (aljazeera, 6/22/09) despite the “insecurity, and chaos” in Iran? Whenever there is a need to make Americans feel afraid of change in some places and see a place, leader, or an event  as threatening …prices of oil go up under the rubrics of ‘the government has nothing to do with oil prices, it is companies who assess risks and conflicts that make these decisions. How come the possibility of overthrow of a regime in the oil rich country of Iran is not seen as a threat, risk…etc.? Is the message to the public here: “no worry, the change and havoc in Iran won’t make you pay more for gas, it might be even cheaper for you if the havoc continues”?

There are much evidence to the U.S. and Israeli mingling into the Iranian situation despite the claims for “non intervention”. As Kourosh Ziabari (”The Idol-Braker Ahmade”, and “Where are my votes?”, posted on Palestinethinktank.com, June 20th 2009) writes:

“Over the past days, the Persian section of Radio Israel aired exclusive “emergency” programs to cover the “Iran crises” by inviting “experts” and “scholars” who would unanimously invite the supporters of Mir-Hossein Mousavi to storm into the streets, call for the transformation of the Islamic government and destabilize the routine transportation, business and daily life in every way by burning the public facilities, mosques, universities and shops. The peaceful and nonviolent demonstrations of the protesting youths and pro-reform supporters of Mir-Hossein Mousavi who were demanding their votes be officially “respected” by the authorities was soon mixed with the illicit and criminal actions of the U.S. and Israel-backed revolts and mutineers whose ultimate desire was to see a “velvet revolution” going on everywhere in Iran.”

What can one also verify at this moment is worth bringing to discussion.

Who and what in Iran?

As far as the elections in Iran, the campaign was not between pro “democracy” and dismantling of the Islamic  republic political structure versus those who do not want democracy and what to maintain the political structure of the Islamic republic as it is.

These candidates participated in the elections only after being qualified by the election committee of the state.  Is this undemocratic?

It could be, but not less so than the system in Israel and the U.S. for example. In the U.S., Democrats and Republicans continue to block any third party from gaining power through their joined election committee, redrawing of districts that prevents thirds parties, preventing third party candidates from participating in the pre election presidential debates…etc.

In Israel too, parties who do not state publicly their commitment to the Jewish/Zionist basis of the state are challenged by the election committee, and sometimes disqualified. Even when they are allowed to participate, these parties are never included in any coalition government, and this has been taking place since 1948. In In Srael today, it is against the law to commemorate the tragedy of 1948. It is ok to remember what supposedly happened 2000 years ago, but not ok to remember what happened 60 years ago.

The point is that if the issue is really about democracy, than countries like Israel and the U.S. should stay out of this discussion. They have less to lecture to others about democracy in light of their past and current histories and policies internally and externally.

In the U.S. and Israeli media, the images of Mousavi versus Ahmade-Nejad as democrat versus not is not quiet accurate. After all, Mousavi was the Iranian prime minister during the early 8 years of the Islamic Republic, and that period was not less brutal and undemocratic, if not more,  than the 4 years of Ahmade-Nejad.  Couple of differences between the two period are regional. The 8 years of Mousavi in government was the years of war with Iraq, and Mousavi rhetoric during the election campaign was about distancing Iran from Hamas and Hisballah (as reported on Al-Jazeera). Maybe that why he is attracting the Israeli, American, and other western governments.

If Mousavi changed and wants to implement reforms in Iran and question policies of the current government as mistakes, than why he is not questioning the policies that his government implemented in the early 8 years of the Islamic Republic? Unless again, what is considered a better candidate in the West is the candidate that is anti-Arab, without caring of locally oppressive candidate who he was and possibly can be. Pahlavi–the Son of the Shah,claims that Hamas members are recruited to crush the uprising in Iran (C-Span, June 222, 2009), a claim that was challenged neither by the media present at his talk, nor by liberal commentators and experts.

As James Petras  wrote in the Financial Times  (June 15, 2009), the followers of Mousavi are largely those of upper class and western oriented, and those of Ahmede-Nejad on the other hand coming from the poorer classes.  Poorer and less western oriented Iranians are the majority, as two American polls showed prior to the election, were more likely to vote for the candidate who was accused by Mousavi to give too much money for the poor, and to worsen the relations with the West, and they did vote for him.

Having said that, it is hard to dismiss the fact that there are Iranians, who want a different regime. I am not sure if those who are behind Mousavi do all want that. The tragedy is that honest critical voices in Iran are being silenced and hijacked by right wing and by liberals in the U.S., Israel, and Europe. What other scholars have argued, disrupted development is at work here in the so called “Third World”, in a neo colonial form of “speaking for”.

It is also hard for those who want to promote democracy and liberty to not feel torn in their position between supporting possible change, while at the same time fear that what is happening in Iran is being or going to be hijacked by regional and global powers (Israel, and the U.S.). While one must stand with justice and freedom everywhere, one must not also be selective in being “vehement” on some cases, and being lame on others.

Who and what in Israel and the U.S.:

As I follow American and Israeli media, it is hard for me to swallow Israeli officials calling for the “stopping the crack down on demonstrators in Iran,” while they have been cracking down on a whole nation for over 60 years.

In the U.S., to listen to Fox and the Zionist racist Charles Krauthammer (Fox News June, 20, 2009), who called for cracking down on Palestinians and Iraqis,    while calling for the U.S. government to demand from the Iranian government to stop cracking down on the people on the street, is quiet bothersome to say the least. Are people in Israel or the U.S. free to demonstrate anywhere anytime? Don’t people get attacked when they demonstrate by the police and security forces in these countries?

Not only right wingers are calling for more intervention from their government in the Iranian situation, but also some liberals. Yet, there are few who have been calling for non-intervention (for ex. Just Foreign Policy. Org).

Who needs democracy, revolution, and help-solidarity?

While people are and should be commanded for showing solidarity with those who are under oppression, one must be careful not to be fooled into a campaign that is, if not designed, it is definitely  being hijacked by regimes (in Israel, the U.S., and Europe) who wish nothing good for the Iranian people, and wish only another subjugated country to fall under their influence or at least neutralized.

After all, Iranians need less help in these issues, and they have demonstrated in their history that they can do and in fact made changes to their political system again and again.

Those in the U.S. and Israel for example (and some European countries), who feel the need for showing solidarity need also to question the lack of their efforts to do only part of what the Iranian people have done in their history in challenging their governments.  For example, no similar public outrage took place in the U.S. when: elections were stolen, wars waged against other states and societies in their name, just to name some examples.

Those in the U.S. who continue to advocate for “non-violence” for example, should be at least as vehement in their campaign and funding of efforts to stop the violence of their governments. They should also be as vague as they have been when it comes to “conflicts” and their persistent efforts to show the “two sides of the story” as they do always when it comes to Israel/Palestine. Yet, it seems all this talk about the “two sides of the story” becomes flat when it comes to issues that fit their agendas.

He is a challene for all those on the U.S. who seems to got new life with the election of the new emperor. Get Obama to stop bombing Pakistan, get Obama ot make similar statements about Israel/Palestine, get Obama to Guantenamo on the occupied island of Cuba and similar pattern at home, get Oabma to put more fuding into education rather than “defense”. Here is another challenge for the liberals in the U.S. who especially advocate non-violence: Make a similar statememt about the regime in Israel, and about the resistance of the Palestinians without any qualifications or reservations.

Neither do Europeans show similar outrage when their governments continue to support wars and colonialism in the “Middle East” and elsewhere. Governments and officials, like in Britain for example, are not shamed for their crimes, they continue to hold political powers despite deceptions, corruptions, and war crimes. While one admires those who demonstarte against their governments’ policies and wars, one does not see a sustained opposition and cries against criminal governments of Europe in their policies in Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine, Pakistan, and elsewhere.

As one person told me, solidarity with people in need is good and honorable thing, but when it comes to areas like the Middle East with its past and present history, westerners should stay out of it.

While I do not think the any person should stand silent on injustice, I do believe that solidarity with resistance ought to be led by those who resist, and should also be done so carefully so that it is not hijacked by states and groups who care or less about justice and freedom.

Israeli Effort to Destabilize Iran Via Twitter

Magid Shihade June 18th, 2009

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Gilad Azmon–Jazz Jihad, Ethical Jihad

Magid Shihade June 18th, 2009

Gilad Azmon, an Israeli born, liberated from his Zion-centric, Jewish-centric, upbringing as he writes, has used his music talent to help those, who in his name, have been for decades under the onslaught of Zionist, Jewish, Israeli and American power hub of racism and supremacy (Gilad Azmon, Israel shahak, Uri davis, Ilan Pappe, Avi Shlaim, Nur Masalha, James Patreas, Norman Finkelstein, Ward Churchill, just to name few sources) .

He argues that he is not political, but ethical, and in his view to be ethical is not stay silent about crimes you are aware of.

More on his work can be read/watched at: www.gilad.co.uk

One approach he takes in his work is that of Jazz Jihad; that is an ethical struggle to use Jazz for justice and resistance.

I find the idea of the ethical versus the political is profound and powerful.  Ethical resistance is something one should think of when trying to engage in resisting hegemony and injustice.

It is just an idea, something to think about….

Resistance versus Hegemony–The “Middle East” and Western Intervention

Magid Shihade June 18th, 2009

My understanding of resistance is that it works to challenge hegemony. While it is true that hegemony can be locally practiced, but in the context of modern global system, events in the periphery withing the global power structure cannot be treated separately or in isolation.

So, politics within states-societies on the periphery of the global system can be better understood in their regional and global contexts.

Why is it for example that when elections are held in Palestine, the results are not respected by the Western global powers (mainly the U.S. and their regional proxy empire-Israel, who are followed by the many obedient European and western countries )?

Why to dictate to the Palestinians who is their leaders in the past as well as in the present? How do we call that “respect for democracy and the will of the people”?

When the PLO was leading the Palestinians, Israel and the U.S. refused for decades to accept the PLO as the leader of the Palestinian people, even though the majority of the global community did so?

When Hamas was elected in 2006, Israel and the U.S. (with the obedient western countries) refused to accept the results of the Palestinians elections. Ronald A Judy wrote then, it is ideology not democracy that counts for Israel, the U.S. and their western obedient followers.

The examples of the disrespect for democracy on the part of the U.S., and Israel are numerous from the region–Middle East–and elsewhere in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the U.S. and Israel themselves.

Now, with the elections in Iran, the same pattern is taking place. Not as a supporter of Nejad, but as critic of hegemony, hypocracy, and intervention, I find the calls for “helping and respecting the will of the Iranian people” to be quiet disturbing. The U.S. government even asked twitter and other internet websites/engines to postpone their maintenance scheduled for the day after the election, so that Iranian “opposition” can use it in their communications to coordinate during the elections and to “protest” against the election results afterwards.

Furthermore, why is that some people blindly believe that the elections in Iran as it is run, and in which Mousawi participated, and who was a long time insider of the Iranian political system,  is rigged elections? Is it because it is not an elections in the U.S, Israel, Germany, Italy, Britiain, France…?

Is there here a new form of Orientalism at work?

Why is it that we do not see a global cry against U.S. and Israeli policies? Why not for example to help promote the campaign for academic and cultural boycott of and economic divestment from Israel that started by the Palestinian civil society and then joined by few campaigns in Europe and now in the U.S.? Isn’t that resistance and solidarity?

How do we reconcile our position vis-a-vis hegemony and then participate in helping hegemony bring havoc to another country that is considered “hostile” to the U.S. and Israel?

Or, are we confusing resistance, democracy,  with ideology?

While the question of the difference between Mousawi and Nejad is to be left to the Iranians, the external hypocritical intervention must be resisted on the part of those who are not in line with U.S. hegemony in the region.

Call for papers - Resistance Studies Magazine 2009#2

Christopher Kullenberg June 16th, 2009

[please re-publish this message widely]

The Resistance Studies Magazine is calling for papers to the next general issue, expected to be published in September 2009.

We will consider:

- Theoretical and empirical articles on power, resistance and social change.

- Reviews of scholarly articles and books.

The 2009#2 issue, we will be published as an open-access issue on rsmag.org. The Resistance Studies Magazine is a fully peer-reviewed journal, publishing scholarly articles in the spirit of openness and sharing.

Submission dead line: August 31, 2009.

Your article may at a later stage be re-published in a printed book, as the Resistance Studies Magazine aims at publishing a yearly collection of journal articles in a reader.

For further information, please see our Submission guidelines availible at rsmag.org

For questions concerning the issue please any of our editors. For submissions and drafts, please use all three e-mail addresses:

Christopher Kullenberg - editor (at) rsmag (dot) org

Jakob Lehne - jakob (dot) lehne (at) rsmag (dot) org

Patrick Hiller - patrick (dot) hiller (at) rsmag (dot) org

Cyber Protest

jj June 9th, 2009

I’m in Strasbourg teaching at a European branch of Syracuse University again this spring. An excellent student of mine, Soumi Chatterjee, (soumschatterjee(at)gmail.com) is writing on Cyper Protests and he would like to have some imput from those of you who have good cases of protests and resistance on the Web. Please send him ideas and suggestions with a copy to me: johansen.jorgen(at)gmail.com

This morning he sent me an article from Washington Post, on how the different parties in Iran mobilized for their demonstrations through text messages and the Web: “Thanks to Internet and text messages, we can rally big crowds in a very short time,” noted Ghadiri, who wore a green shirt emblazoned with Mousavi’s portrait.

See the full text here: In Iran Election, Tradition Competes With Web

jj

“OROMO ORALITY and RESISTANCE POETICS”

Asafa June 8th, 2009

-II-

Resistance Research: Ontological and Epistemological Claims

In my last entry I tried to emphasize on the reasons for an Activist Research or why Resistance Research is needed while drawing on Leslie Brown and Susan Strega’ (2005)Research as Resistance and Richard Hale’s (2008) Engaging Contradictions. I said the need to investigate inequitable social relations calls for such a critical approach what social theorists call ‘Research as praxis,’ in which case, an Activist Research is an Emancipatory Social science. No Bloggers responded to my view, but Dr Eric Selbin who kindly suggested me the works of the folks at the Texas Activist Anthropology. Still the problem of the activist researcher’s epistemic prestige, i.e., her knowledge and the lived experience she always shared with the researched get in her way and barring against ‘OBJECTIVITY’ is persistent in Resistance Research. Comment!     Now to my second entry next.    Resistance Research: Ontological and Epistemological ClaimsThe view that “The master’s house will only be dismantled by the master’s tools,” (by Henry Louis Gates, Jr.) is also defied by “The master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house,” (by Audre Lorde, both cited in Brown and Strega, ibid. p199). The goal of destroying the ‘master’s house,’ e.g.  a dominant ideology, colonialism, globalism, federalism, as  Susan Strega points out, necessarily leads the researcher to question into how best to go about doing so (ibid.). The research “tools” are not just particular methods of data collection and analysis, but methodologies, i.e. the theoretical and conceptual frameworks within which research as a practice is located.  Methodologies offer a theory and analysis of how research could and should proceed.  Thus, to ask oneself such questions at the inception of the project is to question into one’s ontological and epistemological foundations: how can I best capture the complexities and contradictions of the worlds, experiences, or texts I am studying? Whose voice will/does my research represent? Whose interest will it serve? And, how can I tell if my research is good research? etc. Susan is right in saying that the answers for a researcher concerned with social justice are not just one of methodological choices. Rather they are choices about “resistance and allegiance to the hegemony of Eurocentric thought and research traditions, —the master’s tools” (ibid.), or about demolishing or guarding the Imperial Domination, [Neo-] Colonialism, Globalism or any dominant Ideology of the kind in the name of Democracy, Development–the Master’s House  while a numerous citizen suffer severe hardships for resisting.    Research is, to Tahiwai Smith (2001:8) one of the ways in which the underlying code of imperialism and colonialism (master’s house) is both regulated and realized (cited in Brown, ibid. p204). Smith underscores that it is regulated through the formal rules of individual scholarly disciplines and scientific paradigms, and the institutions that support them—including the state.    The ontologies and epistemologies of different research traditions are the foundations of how knowledge about “social phenomena” can and should be acquired. That is, each tradition has different ideas about what should be studied, why and how it should be studied, how it should be analyzed, how it should be assessed, and what ought to be done with research results. Those different ideas have some pragmatic and ethical relevance in every research feat and lead us onto the questions logically to follow: what is ontology and epistemology in research?     Ontology, in this sense, is a theory about what the world is like, that is, what the world, i.e. the research site, consists of and why. Ontology is also a world view. Thus, the world view of the researcher shapes, influences in some way possible, the research project at every level. This is because, the researcher’s world view also shapes the researcher’s epistemological foundation (Brown and Strega, ibid., p201). This overlap between knowledge and world view, and hence, the epistemological and ontological interface is clearly put by a critical scholar Ladson-Billings (2000) as saying, how one views the world is influenced by what knowledge one possesses, and what knowledge one is capable of possessing is influenced deeply by one’s world view. This fact is further confirmed by another third and more influential element added to knowledge and world view of the individual, namely, the social setting: the conditions under which people live and learn shape both their knowledge and their world views (ibid, p201).     Epistemology is a philosophy of what counts as knowledge and “truth.” It is a strategy by which beliefs are justified. Epistemological claims are theories of knowledge about what tests beliefs and information must pass to qualify as “knowledge,” and about who can be a “knower,” and what kinds of things can be known. In sum, all research methodologies e.g., positivism, interpretivism (qualitative/qualitative methods), and critical methodologies are believed to rest on some ontological and epistemological foundation. Researchers committed to social justice and concerned about the failure of traditional research methodologies to bring about social change challenge both the research methods employed in such research exploits and their ontological and epistemological foundations. The hegemony of the dominant world view is successfully positioned as the most legitimate way to view the world against the existence of non-Western, non-Eurocentric world views that are not founded on hierarchical dualism (see in Asmarom Legesse’s Gada, “Protest Anthropology,” 1973:272-291; 2000).

The Armed Basque Resistance (ETA) (On next Gothenburg Resistance Studies Seminar)

Stellan Vinthagen May 31st, 2009

On the 4 June Vera Häggblom, former student at School of Global Studies is presenting her study on ETA and the armed Basque Resistance. (Annedalsseminariet, at 15:15-17, Room 403). Her study looks at the historical development of ETA and its changing tactics, trying to see the dynamic between state repression, negotiation attempts, and ETA activity.

Please read the short introductory text before the seminar (you find the  seminar text here). The full text exists only in Swedish, and is accessible here.

In the first paragraph of the seminar text Häggblom writes: “The aim of this seminar is to shed light upon the dynamic interaction going on between the Basque resistance movement ETA, the Spanish government and the Basque public. My main questions are to find out why the violence performed by the Basque separatist movement has prevailed until our days and what could eventually make it come to an end.”

All very much welcome to this seminar, , the last of the season. We hope many people want to join us at the post-seminar at 17:15 at restaurant Gyllene Prag, where we will celebrate the successfull completion of the fourth season of our Gothenburg Resistance Studies Seminar.

We will be back with much more next seminar, beginning in September (until December), when we also will have a book-launch of our two recently published books, one in Swedish (”Motstånd” at the publishing house Liber, edited by Mona Lilja and Stellan Vinthagen, order here), and one in English, which is a printed version of our online refereed journal Resistance Studies Magazine, edited by Christopher Kullenberg. Dates and invitations will be announced here later on. Stay tuned!

See you,

Stellan

Economy and Resistance (Gothenburg Resistance Studies Seminar)

Stellan Vinthagen May 26th, 2009

On this Thursday, 28 May, at 15:15-17.00, Erik Andersson, Senior Lecturer in Peace and Development research, School of Global Studies, University of Gothenburg will present at the Gothenburg Resistance Studies Seminar On Economy and resistance (discoursive strategies against neoliberal hegemony). (In English) Room 403, Annedalsseminariet. You will find more practical information about the place above at the link “Seminars”.

PhD Erik Andersson did his disseration in Peace and Development Research with a focus on economy and globalization. He has written a short introduction text to the seminar in which his discussion is outlined. Our plan is to give him good comments and critical reflections so he will be able to develop the seminar text into an article later.

Please read the short seminar text before the seminar!

In the seminar text Erik writes: “Over the last decades, economic globalizaton has made the institutional order of the liberal world economy a bit obsolete. The role and nature of IMF, the world bank and the WTO has been scrutinized, questioned and developed. In this process, two different critical positions has developed regarding what would be the proper goal for resistance against a the neoliberal world economy of globalization. The first position argues that these IFIs needs to be closed down, in order for a different world economy to develop. The second position argues that the closing down of the IFIs is meaningless without a change of the discourse ingrained in their mandate and practices; i.e. if we close down the IMF but world monetary policy continues to be formulated and run according to the same discourse, nothing will really change. In this text I will argue for a take on this issue which tries to reconcile the difference between these two positions by help of Mouffe’s theory about anti-hegemonic interventions.”

Welcome to the seminar and welcome to our post-seminar (from 17:00 and late, at the restaurant Gyllene Prag) where the discussion continues in more informal style!

Your humble seminar organizer,

Stellan Vinthagen

Subversive Art Fair in Linz, Austria

Stellan Vinthagen May 23rd, 2009

As the first trade fair for counter culture and resistance technology the “Subversive Fair” (www.subversivmesse.at – page available in German and partly in English) presents recent projects/actions/works and poses questions: Which inventions make resistance easier? Which ideas undermine the system? Where are revolutionary forces lurking? What can we do to successfully dissolve hegemonies?

The fair program includes workshops (e.g. on guerrilla gardening, rebel clown training etc.), performances and a day-long symposium on art, normality and practices of resistance and subversion.

Posted by:
Lena Freimueller

Call for Papers to the Internatonal Studies Association (ISA) Conference 2010

Stellan Vinthagen May 18th, 2009

Dear Resistance Researchers,

We are planning to organise a resistance studies panel at the International Studies Assocation (ISA) in New Orleans 2010 (see http://www.isanet.org)  Organisers of the panel are Mona Lilja and Stellan Vinthagen. The plan is the same as last year: (1) to discuss resistance studies (2) to meet each other live! (3) to make our work know for others who might be interested. So, if you think this is interesting, join us! Send your abstracts (with title) to Mona Lilja (write “mona.lilja” and then add “@globalstudies.gu.se” to a complete email address) at the LATEST the 22 May, and then she will put up the panel and connect your paper to the panel. If many people will submit papers we register the ones we get first.

See you all in New Orleans!

Madagascar: Radio station accused of “inciting civil disobedience and undermining public confidence in institutions.”

jj May 10th, 2009

Since the War Tribunal on Rwanda accused radio stations for war crimes the role of media in conflicts are discussed more than ever. States are using the opportunities to block oppositional voices all over the world. Here is a recent case from Madagascar:

Detained Radio Mada Reporter is Charged And Transferred to Prison

7 May 2009

press release from Reporters Without Borders:

Reporters Without Borders is alarmed by today’s decision to keep Radio Mada sports reporter Evariste Ramanantsoavina in detention and charge him with “inciting revolt against the republic’s institutions,” defamation and disseminating false information. He was arrested on 5 May and forced to reveal the location from which the radio was broadcasting in defiance of a closure order.

“Even if one could understand why the authorities wanted to prevent a radio station from continuing to broadcast clandestinely in violation of an official ban, the way they singled out one of its journalists and the manner of his arrest are shocking and incomprehensible,” Reporters Without Borders said, calling for Ramanantsoavina’s immediate release.

Ramanantsoavina was taken this evening to the prosecutor’s office in Antananarivo, where he was formally charged and an order was issued transferring him to prison. He will now have to spend the weekend in prison pending a trial hearing on 11 May.

He was arrested at his home at 5 a.m. on 5 May by masked soldiers as his daughters looked on, and was taken to the National Mixed Committee for Investigations (CNME), which is located in the suburb of Ambohibao, in premises that used to be the headquarters of the former domestic intelligence service, the DGID.

There he was made to reveal the secret location from which Radio Mada, which supports the exiled former president, Marc Ravalomanana, has been broadcasting since the change of government. Soldiers then went to the location, dismantled its transmitter and seized equipment under communication ministry closure order 01/096mcc of 27 April accusing the station of “inciting civil disobedience and undermining public confidence in institutions.”

The decision to bring charges against Ramanantsoavina contradicted an initial statement by communication ministry secretary-general Charles-Aimé Randriamorasata that the authorities had arrested him simply to find out where Radio Mada was broadcasting from.

His arrest just 48 hours after World Press Freedom Day stunned journalists in Madagascar and was immediately condemned by the Order of Madagascan Journalists, which called for his unconditional release.

Aware that Madagascar is currently in a difficult period that has given rise to cases of unprofessional behaviour by some news media, Reporters Without Borders reiterates its call to all the country’s journalists to provide responsible, objective news coverage and not take sides in the ongoing political power struggle.

Reporters Without Borders defends imprisoned journalists and press freedom throughout the world. It has nine national sections (Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland). It has representatives in Bangkok, London, New York, Tokyo and Washington. And it has more than 120 correspondents worldwide.

OROMO ORALITY and RESISTANCE POETICS

Asafa May 8th, 2009

Why ‘Activist / Resistance Research?’ -I-

Resistance research is anti-oppressive/activist research. As a critical tenet, resistance research is about social activism and its agency, i.e. means, activity/action, institution, and it can be political in intention and in process. The critical research that accepts knowledge is power also critiques inequitable social relations in order to transform them, and challenges the researcher to think about whether s/he wants to support or challenge existing power structures. Whose voice(s) the research represents is also the question about the relationship between the researcher and the researched. Leslie Brown and Susan Strega in their Research as Resistance (2005) contend that in a society where there are observable social injustices, it is imperative for the researcher to accurately describe the social relation, i.e., the reality (by bracketing personal assumptions), and then apply that accurate description/critique to suggest or undertake action (pp207- 208), and that is ‘praxis.’ 

 

Such a critical approach to investigating inequitable social relations is what critical social theorists call ‘Research as praxis’ (Lather 1986). ‘Research as praxis’ is an emancipatory social science. It is concerned with empowerment and emancipation of those marginalized by class, gender, or race where relevant. It works to redress structural inequalities. This theory of research recognizes the historically, socially and culturally constituted nature of knowledge. That is ‘research as praxis’ is about empowering the marginalized and promoting action against inequalities. The meaning that people make of situations is important. The purpose of such an emancipatory social science research is primarily to investigate social conditions, expose hypocrisy, seek to discover observable structures or ‘unseen forces,’ ask questions, and encourage social transformations at grassroots level.  In so doing, it challenges the claim that research can and should be value neutral. Such is a problem one encounters in conducting an ‘activist scholarship.’

 

Richard Hale, in his Engaging Contradictions (2008), discusses three reasons why ‘activist scholarship’ has been an unusual commitment to date: the first is an idea of modern science/epistemology that knowledge is one based on detached objective observation; second, the wider range of scholarship more contained with ‘academic’ agendas and career structures; and third, activism usually understood to be of expressive of subjective individual interests, emotions, or ethical commitments rather than of broader, reflective and more intellectually informed perspective on social issues (p xiii). Consequently, several research projects have had little to do with broader social activism and to seek to solve practical social problems.  

Slide-show of Resistance at the West-Bank

Stellan Vinthagen April 29th, 2009

At the next Resistance Studies Seminar at Gothenburg University on the 7th May we will have the opportunity to learn first hand of the resistance done in the everyday and in actions by Palestinians.

Jonathan Pye shares his experiences from the West Bank as an activist with the International Solidarity Movement. Beginning with last years olive harvest via the struggle against settler theft of property and against the wall, to the solidarity demonstrations with the people in Gaza during the massacre. A slide-show from the activities is presented in order to give a personal view rather than a macro-political analysis. An example of what activism in Palestine can be like for the curious about the current situation and those who themselves consider going there.

The seminar happens in Room 403.  Seminars happen as usual every second Thursday at 15:15-17:00, Annedalsseminariet, School of Global Studies. Post-seminar at 17-, Restaurant Gyllene Prag. (RSN Work Group Meetings at same place at 14) (You find the seminar text one week before and more information above on “Seminars”). Are you interested to present at a seminar or have ideas? Email Stellan Vinthagen (write “stellan.vinthagen” and then add “@resistancestudies.org”)

Resistance Matters!

Stellan Vinthagen April 25th, 2009

During our last seminar PhD Katrin Uba presented her dissertation (see also earlier blog entry) on anti-privatisation struggles in India (and Peru). She did a four year study mainly through news database collection producing impressive statistics on an area which is under-researched: impact of protest by social movements. But she also did field studies during several months in both India and Peru. The statistical result was produced through “event history analysis”, a promising method for others to follow. To read more on her study see her thesis.

I have tried to summarize the results of her research.

Direct effect of social movement protests: Large or disruptive protests led to longer privatization process, eventually no sell-out (i.e. “success”)

Indirect effects: Protests in a democracy are more successful, than in a non-democracy (protests that are large and disruptive do indeed have effect also in dictatorships, although a smaller effect than in a democracy). Public opposition to privatization helps protesters only slightly, as regime effects are stronger (i.e. democracy which facilitate effects). Movements’ political allies have a mixed role (i.e. sometimes enforcing effect, sometimes diminishing, since allies might as well sometimes stop protest through politicians’ betrayal of earlier support of the protests after being elected or parties’ that enforce trade union loyalty to the parties’ support of privatization)

Thus, her results means that;

1: Social movements can play an independent role for policy change (does not have to be through social structure, context, allies, opinion, etc. but by it self)

2: The impact of (anti-privatization) protest is related to its characteristics and political context

3: Future research needs to focus on the role of (other) allies; study other policy-issues and countries in order to make the impact of social movements protest/resistance clearer.

Her results are important for us who are interested in resistance and the impact on power relations. She told us during her lecture before the seminar that it is common in India with anti-privatization protests with 10 million participants (!). And her research shows that the size of protest events increase the impact, and, which is vital for understanding the role of resistance, that the more the protests did disturb social life and had economic damage effects, the more it did have impact on policy change. That means protests in the form of resistance can have a “threatening” effect on politicians, making them fear even greater protests and even more economic consequences, thus leading to an impact or “success” in terms of achieving the goals of the movement.

Her research is also, as far as I understand it, a serious blow to those liberal ideas of a diffuse “public opinion” that is suppose to have political effect. Instead what seems to matter is not opinion but a real undermining of power relations (disturbance of ordinary social life, numbers of protesters and real effects on the economy).

Hopefully her study can inspire more research on the impact of resistance to power relations, helping us and activists to find out how to undermine oppression.

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